scholarly journals International interaction in the context of political processes of post-Soviet Russia: structural and institutional analysis

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-180
Author(s):  
V. A. Matvienko

The article reviews the main problems of international interaction in the political space of post-Soviet Russia. This research topic has been a burning and vital issue of the day over the last years. Moreover, it has become even more significant and urgent nowadays. From time to time the number of racial tensions and inter-ethnic conflicts is increasing everywhere. This fact is likely to indicate some disadvantages and faults of evaluating the state of international interaction. One of the reasons why it happened is the fact that scholars have not come to an agreement about this issue yet. Having thoroughly examined the current scientific theories and research areas, the author of the article took into consideration the most popular and widespread points of view on the problem. Such factors as the soviet «heritage», integration of ethnic minorities into the cultural space of civil nation, a great many opportunities for preserving national identity, etc. influenced the principles of international interaction in the political space of modern-day Russia. The results of the analysis of the above mentioned factors can be put into practice with a view to assess the potential of international interaction which will let predict their social and political importance and reveal possible flash seats of conflictogenity. The author’s attention is focused on considering the issues of the role of the government in the optimization of inter-ethnic relations. The main fields of concern of public authorities have been investigated. Policy papers and special-purpose programmes have been scrutinized. The author has also outlined the leading political figures’ attitude to this acute problem.

Author(s):  
P. Cherkasov

The article analyzes IMEMO activities in 1992–1993, when in Russia, under the influence of both radical economic reforms and drastic weakening of the central government, a deep political crisis emerged and gained a dangerous traction, fraught with the death of a young democracy and even the collapse of the state. Under these conditions, along with economic issues, the politological research came to the fore in IMEMO – the analysis of the country's new political system, the definition of its development vector. The Center of Socio-economic and Socio-political Research of IMEMO headed by German Germanovich Diligenskii played the major role in this work. Analysts of the Center prepared a number of recommendations for public authorities concerning the creation and development of a new democratic political system in Russia. IMEMO experts paid the utmost attention to the nature of the political crisis that arose in the post-Soviet Russia in late 1991, and the ways to overcome it. In January 1993, the results of the study were presented to the discussion at the Academic Council. It was agreed that one of the main causes of the political crisis in the country was the social tensions worsening, as a consequence of the “shocking therapy” conducted by the government of Gaidar in 1992. In the discussion on the political outlook German Diligenskii, rejecting the possibility of the old command-administrative system restoration, substantiated a probability of transformation of the "market democracy" not yet established in Russia into the "authoritarian monopoly or monopoly-bureaucratic system". Noting the disunity of democratic forces, weakness of the entrepreneurial class, largely dependent on the state, Diligenskii formulated a program for uniting all adherents of “arket democracy” under the slogan of "social liberalism", which would take into account Russian specifics. Consolidation of democracy and market economy in Russia is impossible without preservation of the state territorial integrity and consolidation of the central government, with a clear division of functions and powers of its constituent branches. Monopolization (usurpation) of all power by one of the branches – legislative or executive – should not be allowed. The victory of any of them in any case would mean the defeat of democracy. Such was, in general terms, the position of IMEMO in the face of the 1992–1993 political crisis. Acknowledgement. The publication was prepared as part of the President of Russian Federation grant to support the leading scientifi c schools NSh-6452.2014.6.


1988 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-435 ◽  
Author(s):  
Opoku Agyeman

Praetorianism has been authoritatively defined as a situation in which ‘the military class of a given society exercises independent political power within it by virtue of an actual or threatened use of military force’.1 A praetorian state, by elaboration, is one in which the military tends to intervene and potentially could dominate the political system. The political processes of this state favor the development of the military as the core group and the growth of its expectations as a ruling class; its political leadership (as distinguished from bureaucratic, administrative and managerial leadership) is chiefly recruited from the military, or from groups sympathetic, or at least not antagonistic, to the military. Constitutional changes are effected and sustained by the militaty, and the army frequently intervenes in the government.2


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 1803-1805
Author(s):  
Dimitar Spaseski

The state has a central place in the political system. Through its structure and positioning the country has the strength to be a unifier of society against its overall division of the various classes and layers, ethnic, cultural and other groups. The legitimacy of all these processes is given by laws that determine the trajectory of all processes and the conditions under which the processes take place. The state, by adopting the highest legal acts such as: the constitution and the laws, achieves one of its most important functions, which is the management of society. The state directs society to promote development, but also punishes and sanction infringements and mistakes. Depending on who exercises power in the state, i.e. whether it belongs to the people, to an individual or to a powerful group, the political system can be determined. The political system in itself includes the overall state relations, the relations in society and the guidelines for the conduct of the policy of the state. A state in which the government is elected by the people through direct elections certainly fulfills the basic requirement for the development of a stable civil society. The political system is one of the sub-systems of the entire civil society. The political system is specific in that all the activities and relations of which it is composed are directed to the state and its functions. The structure of the political system is composed of political and legal norms, political knowledge, political culture and political structure. These elements confirm the strong relationship between the state, the law and the political system. Developed democratic societies can talk about a developed political system that abounds with political culture and democracy. It is the aspiration of our life. Investing in democratic societies we invest in the future of our children. If we separate the subjects of the political system, we will determine that the people are the basis of the political system. All competencies intertwine around people. Political systems are largely dependent not only on the political processes that take place in them every day, but also on the economic performance and the economic power of the states. Economic stagnation or regression in some countries often threatens democracy and its values. We often forget that we cannot speak of the existence of a functioning and well-organized democratic political system without its strong economic support. In conditions of globalization, it is necessary to pay special attention to international positions as the main factor of the political system, for the simple reason that the functions of the state in this process are increasingly narrowing.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 025-032
Author(s):  
Ali Salgiriev ◽  
Vakha Gaziev ◽  
Magomed Soltamuradov ◽  
Sultan Galbatsov

In the Northern Caucasus, political elites traditionally play a key role in managing political processes, prevent and resolve conflicts, counter sociocultural threats, terrorism, and political extremism. The stability of the political system depends on the degree of political elites’ responsibility and their ability to negotiate with the federal political and administrative elite and to relay the interests of society. New threats to the normal functioning of state authorities are currently emerging, indicating the inefficiency of Russia’s policy aimed at preventing information security threats. In recent years, active social strata (mainly young people) have been mobilized with the aim of overthrowing legitimate authorities and objectionable politicians, changing regimes, etc., using modern network technologies, disinformation and fake news. Due to its historical and socio-cultural characteristics, as well as poly-confessional structure, the population of the Northern Caucasus is highly sensitive to territorial issues, as well as issues of religion, culture, ethnic relations, etc. In many respects, information technologies determine the position and power of high-status actors, primarily political elites, within the political system.


2020 ◽  
pp. 187-206
Author(s):  
Suvi Aho ◽  
Juha Hämäläinen ◽  
Arto Salonen

This chapter studies community engagement policies in the era of populism in Finland. Finland, although performing excellently in international comparisons of social cohesion, has seen the steepest decrease in the level of trust in the government among all the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries during the past decade. At the same time, right-wing populist rhetoric has strengthened and the populist movement has established its support in the political spectrum. To transform Finnish democracy, participatory programmes have been created in order to reach out and engage different groups to join community development practices. These efforts stem both from the public authorities and the renewed Finnish Local Government Act of 2017, as well as from projects undertaken by civil society organisations (CSOs). Further, there is a long tradition of building civil society in Finland, which has often been based on the unique Finnish liberal adult education system. Yet growing inequality is currently deepening the polarisation in political participation. The chapter then explores the ways of countering the polarisation and populism by supporting the political capabilities of communities and nurturing deliberative discussion.


Author(s):  
Yuliia Melnyk ◽  

The article examines the religious factor of political responsibility features at the present stage. The purpose of the article is to determine the role of the religious factor of political responsibility, to study the place of religious political responsibility in the system of types of political responsibility in modern conditions of religion politicization. An analysis of the political process and its subject structure undoubtedly provides an opportunity to assert that political responsibility plays a significant role in the mechanisms of its harmonization. Being on the path of creating the rule of law, modern Ukrainian society is influenced by various factors, among which a significant role belongs to religion. The relationship between religion, morality, ethics and politics leads to conclusions about the formation and existence of a specific type of political responsibility – religious political responsibility, the sanctions of which are more severe to the norms of morality and ethics. The existence in the political process of feedback between civil society institutions, public authorities and religious organizations, the participation of priests in elections and the creation of political parties by religious organizations and their leaders, indicates the spread of religious and political responsibility, makes them its subjects . A study of the composition of political responsibility provided an opportunity to conclude that religious political responsibility is inherent in the highest public authorities only in the case of mono-confessionalism at the state level. Religious organizations have become subjects of political responsibility due to the steady trend of politicization of religious relations and religion in general. In Ukraine, cases of religious political responsibility include abuse of trust in «religious» voters, use of parishioners as an administrative resource, manipulation of confessional attributes to confirm their actions and election programs, and so on. The consequences of religious and political responsibility can be public condemnation by society and religious organizations, expulsion from a particular religion, growing distrust of the government, future distrust of voters, non-re-election, and so on.


Author(s):  
A. A. Fomichev

In this article the author considers the issue of exploitation of Arctic region, especially of NSR. This transport corridor is very important from geopolitical point of view. The future of NSR will be thoroughly considered and the author will pay attention to the political horizons that opens as far as the interest of international community to Arctic rises and socio-economical processes are accelerating. The political institutions which regulate exploitation of NSR, legal framework, estimations of experts from different relevant fields and the problems of exploitation of Arctic region that have emerged on grounds of the current political situation in the world - all these aspects will be considered in the article. The special attention will be paid to the possible Russian self-determined exploitation of Arctic and NSR. Even though there are considerable reserves of natural resources in Arctic, its' capacity does not afford carry out its' active exploitation in short-term. Consequently, its' capacity does not permit exclusion of exploitation of NSR on account of transit route. Saving of the current relations with Western partners and development of opportunities to exploit Arctic region on our own - the main political goals of Russia. Recent events of this year demonstrate two important forces which have an impact on the exploitation of NSR. Firstly, an important role of Russia in international exploitation of Arctic, understanding of that at the international level and interest of foreign partners in cooperation with Russia in Arctic including over the question of NSR despite exacerbation of relation with the West. Secondly, present state of Arctic territories in terms of economics and socio-political aspect does not correspond to the boost of geopolitical power of Russia in Arctic. Western sanctions seriously harm sustainable development of Arctic in short-term. However, they will accelerate political processes in the region in case Russia wants exploit Arctic and take the lead among Arctic states. There is a necessity to overcome the technological and economical lag from the West, to create better infrastructure along the coast of the Arctic Ocean, to attract human resources in High North, to increase the government support of business in Arctic.


Author(s):  
Natalya Buzanova

July 12, 1889 Alexander III approved the draft law according to which “Regulations on territorial chiefs” was published. As of 1913, county congresses and governorate presences and territorial chiefs were introduced in forty-three governorates of European Russia, including the Tambov Governorate. The need for a new body of state control was due to the lack of a strong governmental power close to the people. The autocracy introduced this institute with the aim of restoring the landlords’ power over the peasant world, lost as a result of serfdom abolition in 1861. The powers of territorial chiefs were extensive: administrative, judicial, oversight, including control over the activities of peasant rural and volost institutions. However, over time, the functions of territorial chiefs were changed in comparison with what was originally written in the Regulation. We focus on issue of territorial chiefs participation in the political sphere of the state. The main sources for this research were data from the State archive of the Tambov Region. The government gave territorial chiefs the control of the peasant’s life from all sides, but due to circumstances, they were also drawn into the political processes of the state, especially at the beginning of the 20th century. We show that territorial chiefs were obedient executors of government policy, which was carried out in the counties, which was not at all provided for in their main functions. We investigate territorial chiefs’ role in the work of the State Duma. Thus, in the presence of different functions directions, we could hardly expect a positive effect from the institute as a whole.


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Maksimovska ◽  
Aleksandar Stojkov ◽  
Patrick Schmidt

Competing ethno-centered strategies over the local fiscal resources can seriously undermine political and economic stability of ethnically diverse societies. This study investigates the causal link between ethnic diversity and local government finances by focusing on the case of Macedonia. In particular: whether fiscal decentralization is used as a part of broader strategy for prevention and mitigation of inter-ethnic conflicts. The main argument is that low level of political culture and inter-ethnic tensions are frustrating the development of the government policy along a course of decentralization. The study confronts two emerging scenarios regarding decentralization and inter-ethnic relations. The first scenario puts the economic development at the forefront for country’s stability and treats decentralisation as a driving force to achieve this goal. Ethnic problems are expected to be solved along this path as rising economic stability reduces the inter-ethnic tensions. In the second scenario, the inter-ethnic stability is the main pillar of the country’s stability, which is expected to be accomplished through decentralisation. The paper analyses and synthesizes pros and cons of two scenarios from administrative, legal, political and economic perspectives.


2021 ◽  
pp. 193-213
Author(s):  
Yulia Pasichna ◽  
Yuriy Zemskyi

Summary. The purpose of the study is to research the causes, nature, and features of the socio-political activity of the Ukrainian peasantry in 1917. Research methodology. The study is based on the principles of historicism, comprehensiveness, objectivity, and systematicity. During the study of this topic, the authors used general scientific (analysis, synthesis, elements of the statistical method) and special-historical (problem-chronological, historical-typological, historical-systemic) research methods. The scientific novelty lies in the substantiation of the thesis concerning the fact that the peasantry became an active subject of socio-political processes in 1917 in Ukraine. Conclusions. The changes that took place in early 1917 in the political life of the state became a catalyst for the active actions of the peasantry, which required radical changes in land tenure/land use. The agrarian problem worsened during 1905–1907 and in 1917 detonated an explosion of socio-political activity of the peasantry. It was expressed in the speeches of the peasantry, the organization of peasant congresses, the creation of peasant organizations, the involvement of workers and soldiers in speeches, etc. During 1917 the socio-political activity of the peasantry underwent changes. The end of 1917 was marked by its strengthening, which forced the government to take into account the needs of the peasantry as an active participant in the socio-political life of the state.


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