scholarly journals Myanmar in 2015

Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen McCarthy

The general election dominated events in Myanmar, while the government pushed for a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement before the polls. Attention was drawn to student protests and the plight of the Rohingya boat people. Major flooding caused havoc throughout the country and moderated expectations for economic growth. Throughout the year, the government and opposition parties dealt with internal management issues, voter and candidate lists, and partisan electoral politics.

Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub

This chapter discusses the battle of the three political regimes in Malaysia, the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Harapan (PH), in the 14th General Election and the formation of Perikatan Nasional (PN) after the collapse of the PH government. The BN coalition has shown its political influence throughout 63 years of ruling the country since independence which has been hard to break by other opposition parties in Malaysia. BN has manipulated various government instruments in ruling to form a strong political hegemony that affects the voting behaviour of voters in determining rational choice, especially when elections are conducted. However, the strong political domination has been broken by the opposition movement that began in the 12th General Election that eventually toppled the old political regime, BN in the last GE-14. The failure of BN to defend its position as a government is due to several factors including scandals and misuse of power by political leaders, the weaknesses of the government in addressing economic issues, and pressures faced by the people on the cost of living, and limited employment opportunities. Issues that arise are then manipulated by the opposition parties at the same time, which managed to convince voters to change their support from BN to PH in the last GE-14. However, PH, which then had the opportunity to govern the country with a dilemma, as it failed to capitalize on the opportunity and fulfilled its manifesto as promised in their election campaigns. Subsequently, Malaysians, especially the voters in a series of by-election have begun to send a message to the government by voting for opposition candidates as a gesture of protest against the PH government. Furthermore, an analysis of the developments and dilemmas of the direction of the two political regimes before and after the GE-14 is discussed in detail in this chapter.


Subject Outlook for Singapore's 2015 general election. Significance Singapore will hold a general election on September 11, its first since the death of the city-state's founding father, Lee Kuan Yew. Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong has braced his long-incumbent People's Action Party (PAP) for a more difficult contest at the polls than in 2011, with opposition parties expected to better the 10% share of parliamentary seats they held on the dissolution of parliament on August 25. Impacts The People's Action Party will need to define a post-Lee Kuan Yew legacy. The post-September government will need to balance popular concern over foreign workers with Singapore's need for labour. Singaporean electoral politics will become increasingly competitive.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ : The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, initiated by institutional and electoral reforms, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. An alliance of opposition parties and civil society groups organized peaceful demonstrations in opposition to the regime, which were often violently suppressed. Civil society organizations and representatives of the Christian church supported the demands of the opposition. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party. The local elections, crucial for democratization at the grass-roots, but postponed time and again since 1987, were again postponed in December 2018 sine die. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo’s African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, followed a ‘laissez-faire’ approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e.g. roads, harbour) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ:: Le clan Gnassingbé dirige le pays depuis 1967. La demande d'alternance politique, initiée par des réformes institutionnelles et électorales, a constitué le principal différend entre le gouvernement et les rivaux du régime de Gnassingbé tout au long de la période d'enquête. Une alliance de partis d'opposition et de groupes de la société civile a organisé des manifestations pacifiques contre le régime, qui ont souvent été réprimées avec violence. Les organisations de la société civile et les représentants de l'église chrétienne ont soutenu les revendications de l'opposition. Les élections législatives du 20 décembre 2018, boycottées par les principaux partis de l'opposition, ont permis une victoire facile du parti au pouvoir. Les élections locales, cruciales pour la démocratisation à la base, mais reportées à plusieurs reprises depuis 1987, ont été à nouveau reportées en décembre 2018 sine die. Le bilan du gouvernement en matière de droits de l'homme s'est amélioré mais reste médiocre. Malgré des améliorations indéniables du cadre et de l’apparence des principales institutions du régime au cours de la période considérée, la démocratie est loin d’être achevée. Cependant, la communauté internationale, notamment ses homologues africains du Togo, l’UA et la CEDEAO, a adopté une approche de «laisser-faire» dans l’intérêt de la stabilité régionale et de leurs intérêts nationaux face au Togo. La croissance économique est restée stable à environ 5% par an. Les investissements publics dans les infrastructures (par exemple, les routes et les ports) et l’augmentation de la productivité agricole, notamment des cultures d’exportation, ont été les principaux moteurs de la croissance économique. Cependant, la croissance reste vulnérable aux chocs extérieurs et au climat et n’a pas été inclusive. La croissance positive a été éclipsée par l'augmentation des inégalités interpersonnelles et régionales ainsi que par l'augmentation de l'extrême pauvreté. En outre, le blanchiment d’argent, les transferts d’argent illégal et le trafic se sont multipliés de manière alarmante. Le climat des affaires s’est néanmoins considérablement amélioré.


Significance Mkhwebane's proposal that the SARB should promote broad-based economic growth, rather than focus on inflation and the currency, dominated debates ahead of the ANC's policy conference between June 30-July 5. Subsequently, the ruling party determined that the SARB should be nationalised, while re-affirming its constitutionally guaranteed independence and also demanding the government set up a state bank within six months. Impacts Damaging financial revelations at state-owned enterprises such as Eskom could undermine the impetus for a state-owned bank. Opposition parties could mobilise with civil society groups to try force Mkhwebane’s resignation. Ongoing corruption allegations surrounding the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa (PRASA) could implicate the deputy minister of finance.


Significance Several groups have voiced discontent with the government in recent months, including feminists, unionised teachers, farmers and people left unemployed as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. AMLO has dismissed the protests as the result of manipulation, saying professed grievances are unfounded. Impacts Clashes between government supporters and opponents will become increasingly likely in the run-up to the 2021 mid-term elections. Persistent transport disruption will further undermine business confidence and dampen economic growth, worsening a major source of unrest. A lack of credible leadership options and innovative alternative political proposals will perpetuate the opposition parties’ weakness.


Asian Survey ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
kheang un

Cambodia in 2012 mourned the death of its revered former King Norodom Sihanouk. The government was criticized for land conflicts and the deterioration of political liberties. Otherwise, the country enjoyed strong economic growth and basked in the international spotlight as Association of Southeast Asian Nations chair. Hun Sen’s Cambodian People’s Party further consolidated its power, sidelining opposition parties and coopting disgruntled workers and farmers.


Asian Survey ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Wyatt

The Congress-led coalition battled through another difficult year with issues of governance continuing to cause difficulty for the government. The economy performed unevenly, with high rates of inflation and slower economic growth. Close relations were maintained with the U.S., but relations with China remained awkward. Pakistan and India made little headway on improving relations. Campaigning for the 2014 general election began midway through 2013.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ : The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, initiated by institutional and electoral reforms, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. An alliance of opposition parties and civil society groups organized peaceful demonstrations in opposition to the regime, which were often violently suppressed. Civil society organizations and representatives of the Christian church supported the demands of the opposition. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party. The local elections, crucial for democratization at the grass-roots, but postponed time and again since 1987, were again postponed in December 2018 sine die. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo’s African peers, the AU and CEDEAO, followed a ‘laissez-faire’ approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e.g. roads, harbour) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ : Le clan Gnassingbé dirige le pays depuis 1967. La demande d'alternance politique, initiée par des réformes institutionnelles et électorales, a constitué le principal différend entre le gouvernement et les rivaux du régime de Gnassingbé tout au long de la période d'enquête. Une alliance de partis d'opposition et de groupes de la société civile a organisé des manifestations pacifiques contre le régime, qui ont souvent été réprimées avec violence. Les élections législatives du 20 décembre 2018, boycottées par les principaux partis de l'opposition, ont permis une victoire facile du parti au pouvoir. Malgré des améliorations indéniables du cadre et de l’apparence des principales institutions du régime au cours de la période considérée, la démocratie est loin d’être achevée. Cependant, la communauté internationale, notamment l’UA et la CEDEAO, ont adoptées une approche de «laisser-faire» dans l’intérêt de la stabilité régionale. Les investissements publics dans les infrastructures, par exemple, les routes et les ports, et l’augmentation de la productivité agricole, notamment des cultures d’exportation, ont été les principaux moteurs de la croissance économique. Cependant, la croissance reste vulnérable aux chocs extérieurs et au climat. La croissance positive a été éclipsée par l'augmentation des inégalités interpersonnelles et régionales ainsi que par l'augmentation de l'extrême pauvreté. En outre, le blanchiment d’argent, les transferts d’argent illégal et le trafic se sont multipliés de manière alarmante.


Author(s):  
Aria Dimas Harapan

ABSTRACTThe essence of this study describes the theoretical study of the phenomenon transfortation services online. Advances in technology have changed the habits of the people to use online transfortation In fact despite legal protection in the service based services transfortation technological sophistication has not been formed and it became warm conversation among jurists. This study uses normative juridical research. This study found that the first, the Government must accommodate transfotation online phenomenon in the form of rules that provide legal certainty; second, transfortation online as part of the demands of the times based on technology; third, transfortation online as part of the creative economy for economic growth . 


2015 ◽  
pp. 42-59
Author(s):  
Saba Ismail ◽  
Shahid Ahmed

The research objective of this paper is to explore the empirical linkages between economic growth and foreign direct investment (FDI), gross fixed capital formation (GFCF) and trade openness in India (TOP) over the period 1980 to 2013. The study reveals a positive relationship between economic growth and FDI, GFCF and TOP. This study establishes a strong unidirectional causal flow from changes in FDI, trade openness and capital formation to the economic growth rates of India. The impulse response function traces the positive influence of these macro variables on the GDP growth rates of India. The study also reveals that the volatility of GDP growth rates in India is mainly attributed to the variation in the level of GFCF and FDI. The study concludes that the FDI inflows and the size of capital formation are the main determinants of economic growth. In view of this, it is expected that the government of India should provide more policy focus on promoting FDI inflows and domestic capital formations to increase its economic growth in the long-term.


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