scholarly journals THE BATTLE OF THREE POLITICAL REGIMES IN MALAYSIA PRIOR AND POST GE 14TH: AN ANALYSIS OF BARISAN NASIONAL, PAKATAN HARAPAN & THE FORMATION OF PERIKATAN NASIONAL (PN)

Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub

This chapter discusses the battle of the three political regimes in Malaysia, the Barisan Nasional (BN) and Pakatan Harapan (PH), in the 14th General Election and the formation of Perikatan Nasional (PN) after the collapse of the PH government. The BN coalition has shown its political influence throughout 63 years of ruling the country since independence which has been hard to break by other opposition parties in Malaysia. BN has manipulated various government instruments in ruling to form a strong political hegemony that affects the voting behaviour of voters in determining rational choice, especially when elections are conducted. However, the strong political domination has been broken by the opposition movement that began in the 12th General Election that eventually toppled the old political regime, BN in the last GE-14. The failure of BN to defend its position as a government is due to several factors including scandals and misuse of power by political leaders, the weaknesses of the government in addressing economic issues, and pressures faced by the people on the cost of living, and limited employment opportunities. Issues that arise are then manipulated by the opposition parties at the same time, which managed to convince voters to change their support from BN to PH in the last GE-14. However, PH, which then had the opportunity to govern the country with a dilemma, as it failed to capitalize on the opportunity and fulfilled its manifesto as promised in their election campaigns. Subsequently, Malaysians, especially the voters in a series of by-election have begun to send a message to the government by voting for opposition candidates as a gesture of protest against the PH government. Furthermore, an analysis of the developments and dilemmas of the direction of the two political regimes before and after the GE-14 is discussed in detail in this chapter.

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-182
Author(s):  
Rashid A. Nadirov ◽  

This article addresses the problem of socio-economic status of the Austro-Hungarian capital Vienna in the second period of the First World War - 1916-1918. Much attention is paid to the consequences of the war: the food crisis, the deficit, the rise in prices for basic necessities, speculation, protests, etc. It shows the transformation of the mood of the Viennese society in the conditions of the growing economic crisis. The food issue directly affected the quality of life of the residents of the capital, who were in difficult wartime conditions, and largely influenced their attitude to the current government. In this study, the task was to analyze the relationship between the government and the people and to find out why the people of Vienna, who had initially been patriotic and united around the monarchy, had joined the opposition by 1916. The author concludes that the food crisis, against the backdrop of the inaction of the government, which has used only the practice of prohibitions and restrictions on the civilian population, has become a key factor in exacerbating protests and leading to the overthrow of the political regime and the collapse of the monarchy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Suparnyo Suparnyo

The election of regional leaders conducted directly by the community is believed to result in a democratic government. The formed government is expected to be more open, more responsive, and to carry out the aspirations of the people so that it can realize a government that comes from the people, by the people, and for the people. A person can nominate him/herself as a candidate for Regent or Deputy Regent if supported by some residents, by Political Parties or Combined Political Parties. The relatively weak support of the population or political parties or combined political parties has resulted in very few candidates for regent or deputy regent, even only one pair of candidates can occur as in Pati Regency. The study aims to know how the policy in the future (Prospective Model) should be taken so that the single-candidate for Regent or Deputy Regent in a general election does not happen. By using a sociological juridical approach, collecting primary and secondary data, processing and analyzing data, the objective of the study can be reached.The policy that needs to be taken by the government so that in the future there will be no single candidate is by giving obligations to political parties to conduct cadre recruitment to become candidates for regional leaders. Besides, the General Election Commission needs to make a scheme that is easier and more flexible for individual candidates regarding administrative requirements, procedures, and mechanisms for gathering support, and there needs to be a new policy so that the potential for a single-candidate can be eliminated or not occur.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Moh Hudi

The Government system greatly determines the position and responsibility of the president. Even in the same system of government, the president’s position and responsibility may change, depending  on   The  Rule  of   Law  in a particular country. The position and responsibility of the president in the presidential system in Indonesia has change several times. This can be seen before and after the amandement. President in presidential   System   as  Head  of  Government  and   Head  of   State. So that the president has broad authority. The president is not responsible to the parliament, because institutionally the parliament is not higher than the president as the chief executive, but is responsible to the people as voters.


1967 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 16
Author(s):  
M. A. Condon

Exploration for petroleum in Australia paused in 1966 and this pause is likely to continue in 1967.The number of wells drilled and seismic activity will both be slightly less in 1967 than in 1966, but the work will generally be directed to more specific targets. The cost of exploration will be somewhat higher than in 1966.During the year off-shore drilling should increase and it is expected that five mobile rigs will be drilling in the offshore areas by the end of the year. The immediate structural targets available for these rigs are in the Gippsland, Bass and Otway Basins (Victoria-Tasmania), the North-West Shelf and Timor Sea-Bonaparte Gulf, and in the Gulf of Papua.Onshore exploration will be concentrated in the western Australian basins, the Surat Basin, the central Great Artesian Basin, and the Gidgealpa region of the southwestern Great Artesian Basin.The success or otherwise of the off-shore drilling will determine the rate of exploration over the next few years. If important discoveries are made off-shore, these may and probably would result in more intensive exploration of the same stratigraphic intervals onshore.The exploration patterns of Australia and several other countries before and after first commercial discovery are compared. This indicates that Australian discovery came early, as compared with other countries, where production has developed since the war, but that post-discovery effort in Australia has been very much less. The main obvious differences appear to be that in Australia the average size of the exploration concession is very much larger and the number of operators (having regard to the areas concerned) is much smaller, than in the other successful countries.There has been a gradual movement towards reducing the size of operating areas in Australia either by obligatory relinquihment or by farmout, but if discoveries are to be made at a satisfactory rate more operators are needed in every basin.The economic environment of Australia vis-a-vis Middle East oil and oil markets is probably the main basic reason for the peculiar exploratory pattern, which has impelled the Government to provide financial incentives to encourage exploration and development.


Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 138-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen McCarthy

The general election dominated events in Myanmar, while the government pushed for a Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement before the polls. Attention was drawn to student protests and the plight of the Rohingya boat people. Major flooding caused havoc throughout the country and moderated expectations for economic growth. Throughout the year, the government and opposition parties dealt with internal management issues, voter and candidate lists, and partisan electoral politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 251
Author(s):  
Bambang Utoyo

Abstract: The government has established ABC BUMN Holding, with the hope that the performance of its subsidiaries' performance after holding has increased sharply. Unfortunately the financial performance of its subsidiaries is no better than before the holding. This study is intended to analyze the performance of ABC BUMN subsidiaries before and after holding and look for factors that affect their performance, with non-parametric statistical methods and discussions with experts. The results showed that the poor performance of subsidiaries was partly due to the focus of the holding Directors still on restructuring the debt of subsidiaries which were carried out before the establishment of holding, the low productivity of plantations as a result of late replenting, fertilization and maintenance that are not in accordance with the standard, the cost of revitalizing sugar mills has not been able to be prepared by the holding, the synergy between the parent company and its subsidiaries has not gone well, and there has been a tendency to decline in plantation commodity prices. Keywords: Holding, financial performance, low productivity of plantation,  statistic non parametric. Abstrak :Pemerintah telah membentuk ABC BUMN Holding, dengan harapan kinerja anak perusahaan setelah dilakukan holding meningkat secara tajam. Sayangnya kinerja keuangan anak perusahaannya tidak lebih baik dari sebelum holding. Penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk menganalisis kinerja anak perusahaan ABC BUMN sebelum dan setelah holding dan mencari faktor yang memengaruhi kinerjanya, dengan metode statistic non parametric dan diskusi dengan pakar. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa belum baiknya kinerja anak perusahaan antara lain disebabkan fokus Direksi holding masih pada restrukturisasi hutang anak perusahaan yang terbawa dari sebelum pembentukan holding, rendahnya produktivitas perkebunan sebagai dampak terlambat replenting, pemupukan dan pemeliharaan yang tidak sesuai standar, besarnya biaya revitalisasi pabrik gula yang belum mampu disiapkan oleh holding, sinergi antara perusahaan induk dan anak perusahaan belum berjalan dengan baik, dan adanya kecenderungan turunnya harga komoditas perkebunan. Kata kunci: Holding, Kinerja keuangan, rendahnya produktivitas perkebunan, statistic non parametric.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 114-123
Author(s):  
Suwandi S. Sangadji ◽  
Saiful Rachman

This study aimed to find out the planning, challenges, rational vision and mission offers, and the implementation of the 2020 regional election in Tidore during the new normal period. The applied method in this study was descriptive-qualitative using an interactive model approach. The results of this study can be stated with the following conclusions. (1) In the context of planning and preparation for the 2020 regional election in Tidore, it is necessary to pay attention to the successes and possible failures of the 2019 general election by setting a transparent and integrated planning and preparation concept for all parties who will determine the success of this regional election; (2) The general challenge faced by the government and the people of Tidore, especially for the Regional General Election Commission (in Indonesian: Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah (KPUD)) in organizing the 2020 regional elections, is how to carry out the regional elections democratically based on the direct, general, free, secret, honest, and fair principles as a process of maturing public political behavior; (3) The special challenge faced by each pair of candidates is to offer a concept of a realistic, actual, accurate, and precise development vision and mission according to the development, needs, potentials, and problems of the people of Tidore.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susumu Annaka ◽  
Munenori Kita ◽  
Naonari Yajima ◽  
Rui Asano

This paper presents an analysis of the impact of political regimes and type of military recruitment on the probability of the occurrence of international conflicts. In the last few years, the (re) introduction of military conscription has been a focus of public debate, but empirical analysis of the issue remains limited. We argue that democratic nations with conscription-based military recruitment in place are less likely to initiate international conflicts than those with voluntary recruitment because public opinion will estimate a higher probability of direct involvement in disputes, causing political leaders to refrain from conflicts, even though stable military resources are in place. On the other hand, authoritarian nations with conscription-based recruitment systems are more likely to engage in conflicts than those with voluntary recruitment systems because political leaders are not accountable to the people, even though the cost of war is calculated in the same manner as that in democratic nations. To test this reasoning, we use directed-dyadic data from 1816 to 2005. Our analysis strongly supports our theoretical expectations.


Author(s):  
Gde Pradnyana

<p>Indonesia has the potential vulnerability enormous energy availability. From the supply side, Indonesia has not showed the synergy between the depletion of oil and gas on a large scale with the search for new sources of its reserves. Searching new reserves abroad also yet to show tangible results and not get full supported from the government. Meanwhile, shares of oil and gas is still a very big role in the national energy mix of Indonesia up to 25 years to come. The government also has not succeeded in converting the results of oil and gas into industrial assets. Prioritizing local-content policy produces only rents of business that would increase the cost of production and distribution of oil and gas to the people.</p>


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (11) ◽  
pp. 0-0
Author(s):  
Дина Пайгина ◽  
Dina Paygina

The article analyzes discussion questions about the concept of a political regime and its relationship to related categories: “form of government”, “public regime” and others. Clarity in understanding will contribute to the correctness of classification of these categories, considered in theory. The article presents ideas that have influenced the understanding of political regimes. Particular attention is paid to works of ancient authors, who are still on top of their relevancy due to their flexibility, despite the fact that they were formulated many years ago. The author proposes to define a political regime as a degree of political freedom of the citizens, expressed in the established system of rights that citizens may use when exercising their freedom, as the framework within which it should be exercised, and as the degree of effectiveness of the government. The author substantiates the connection between the political regime and legislative dynamics, which serves as an illustration of the current situation as a result of the decision-making by government authorities.


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