The Role of Armed Conflict in Developing a Subculture of Hate and its Consequences

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-76
Author(s):  
Mustafa Omar Attir

When Libyan youth took to the streets in a populist uprising in 2011, which became known as the 17 February 2011 revolution, many Libyans thought they were on the verge of removing one of the most vicious dictators of the twentieth century, Muammar Gaddafi, and building a new democratic state. Gaddafi responded forcefully, hoping to eliminate the movement in its infancy. But clashes between Gaddafi’s forces and those who took to streets soon turned into a civil war, during which Libyan society was split into two major groups: one supporting the uprising, the other the regime. In addition to armed conflict, these warring groups regarded each other with contempt, generated slander, and accused each other of betrayal, using words and phrases in a discourse of hate speech. This vocabulary of hate manifested in demonstrations and social media. Eight months later Gaddafi was dead, and the political system he built over four decades collapsed. But the war did not stop: yesterday’s allies became enemies, competing for political and economic gains. The number of contesting groups expanded as different clans, tribes, and cities joined the fray for personal gains. Strategies and techniques first used during the Libyan uprising were applied in the civil war, and are still manifest today. Every militia has a Facebook page, owns a television station, or has access to one. These media have been widely used to spread hate speech and to widen the rift between neighbors, creating refugees and internally displaced people. At least five cities became ghost towns during the uprising. When the concept of subculture first appeared in the sociological literature, it referred to members of a group that behaved according to a set of values and norms that deviated from those of mainstream society. Reviewing the language of militia members and their supporters that is articulated in social media or on television, it becomes obvious that such language has devolved into hate speech, creating social fragmentation among Libyans. This language has created a new set of values and norms in Libya that are different from preexisting mainstream Libyan culture. The new language has created a subculture of hate, which serves to sustain and accelerate continuing divisions within Libya, while further fragmenting the social fabric of the country.

2021 ◽  
Vol 70 (7) ◽  
pp. 112-116
Author(s):  
Ahmed Ali Abdirahman

Ongoing armed conflict, insecurity, lack of state protection, and recurring humanitarian crises exposed Somali civilians to serious abuse. There are an estimated 2.6 million internally displaced people (IDPs), many living unassisted and vulnerable to abuse. Somalia's history of conflict reveals an intriguing paradox--namely, many of the factors that drive armed conflict have also played a role in managing, ending, or preventing war.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Agbo Friday Ojonugwa

Internally displaced persons (IDPs) are usually forced to flee or leave their homes, particularly in situations of armed conflict. They are displaced within their national territories and are generally subject to heightened suffering and vulnerability in many cases. It is also essential to state that the issue of internal displacement has become prominent because of the realisation that peace and reconstruction in conflict-ridden societies depend on the effective settlement and reintegration of displaced persons. Nigeria is a country that has a history of conflicts and displaced people. There has been a challenge in finding lasting peace through the employment of conflict resolution techniques and also the challenge of catering for the welfare of internally displaced persons in the country. However, peace and development without taking into account the settlement, return, and reintegration of IDPs. These desirous objectives are proving quite difficult in Nigeria as many challenges confront the government, policymakers, and humanitarian NGOs in providing the IDPs with their rights and needs. Some of the challenges can easily be overcome while some are more tasking requiring concerted efforts and massive resources to overcome. The aim of this article is to highlights the significant challenges confronting IDPs and provides some solutions to these challenges. In adopting the doctrinal method in discussions, the article finds that enormous challenges abound that confront IDPs in Nigeria, and it finds that there is the need for the government to find urgent solutions to the challenges of IDPs for the wellbeing of IDPs  


Author(s):  
Abbey Steele

Civilian displacement is a regular, massive feature of civil war violence. This book provides a new way to think about displacement, by connecting it to how armed groups target violence against civilians, and how civilians respond. Individuals escape selective violence, civilians relocate together to avoid indiscriminate violence, and groups experience political cleansing following collective violence. Political cleansing is the expulsion of civilians from their communities based on a shared identity or trait. While it is difficult to detect civilians’ loyalties, the book shows that elections can both facilitate and incentivize displacement by revealing civilians’ political preferences; and giving elites a stake in the electoral composition of a community, motivating them to ally with armed groups. The book traces how democratic reforms triggered both processes in Colombia, leading to a major intensification of the war and to one of the highest populations of internally displaced people in the world. Combining evidence collected from remote archives, interviews with ex-combatants and displaced people, and quantitative data from the government’s displacement registry during nearly two years of fieldwork, the book connects Colombia’s political development and the course of its civil war to displacement.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (02) ◽  
pp. 40-42
Author(s):  
William Tamayo-Agudelo ◽  
Vaughan Bell

Although significant progress has been made in the peace process, Colombia still experiences high levels of ongoing violence and a legacy of more than five decades of armed conflict. Epidemiological studies show markedly raised levels of mental health problems in people affected by the conflict, with internally displaced people being a large and important group with unmet needs. Provision of mental health services is uneven and subject to significant underinvestment. Priority mental health treatment for victims of the conflict is now established in law, although the effectiveness of these programmes has yet to be established.


Author(s):  
Ayşe Betül Çelik

The growing number of civil wars in the post-Cold War era has been accompanied by a rising number of forcibly displaced people, who either stay within the borders of their own countries, becoming internally displaced persons (IDPs), or cross borders to become refugees. Although many studies have been conducted on the reasons of conflict-induced displacement, various questions remain of interest for the scholars of international relations, especially questions pertaining but not limited to the (a) gendered aspects of conflict, displacement, and peace processes, (b) predicting possible future displacement zones, and (c) best political and social designs for returnee communities in post-civil war contexts. Most studies still focus on the negative consequences of forced migration, undermining how refugees and IDPs can also contribute to the cultural and political environment of the receiving societies. Considering that there is a huge variation in types of conflict, motivations for violence, and the resulting patterns of displacement within the category of civil war, more research on the actors forcing displacement, their intentions, and subsequent effects on return dynamics can benefit research in this field. Similarly, research on return and reconciliation needs to treat displacement and return as a continuum. Paying attention to conflict parties in civil war bears the potential for new areas of exploration whose outcomes can also shed light on policies for post-civil war construction and intergroup reconciliation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamed A Daw ◽  
Abdallah HU El-Bouzedi ◽  
Mohamed O Ahmed

ABSTRACT The interrelationships between HIV/AIDS and armed conflict are a complex phenomenon and studies are rarely devoted to this area of research. Libya is the second-largest country in Africa that has been evoked with war since NATO intervention in 2011. The country has also experienced one of the largest HIV outbreaks associated with the Bulgarian Nurses saga. The effect of the armed conflict on the dynamic spread of HIV is not well known. The objectives of this study were to determine the impact of armed conflict on the epidemiological situation of HIV infection in Libya and analyze the transmission dynamics of HIV strains during the conflict. We investigated the movement of HIV-infected people during the Libyan armed conflict and analyzed the HIV subtypes reported from 2011 to 2020 and followed up the infected cases all over the country. The patterns of HIV spread within the Libyan regions were traced and risk factors were determined during the conflict period. A total of 4539 HIV/AIDS patients were studied from the four regions during the Libyan conflict. Our data analysis indicated that Benghazi the biggest city in the Eastern region was the significant exporter of the virus to the rest of the country. Viral dissemination changes were observed within the country particularly after 2015. A major virus- flow from the Eastern region during the armed conflict associated with internally displaced people. This resulted in a dissemination of new HIV strains and accumulations of HIV cases in Western and Meddle regions. Although, there were no significant changes in the national prevalence of HIV/AIDS. Our data highlights the factors that complicated the spread and dissemination of HIV during the armed conflict which provides a better understanding of the interaction between them. This could be used to plan for effective preventive measures in tackling the spread of HIV in conflict and post-conflict settings.


Author(s):  
Cristina Churruca Muguruza

<p>Internally displaced persons are essentially internal refugees, persons who would have been considered refugees if they crossed an international border. Concern for human rights of displaced people is part of the context of a growing recognition of the need to address the protection of civilians in armed conflict. But there is widespread ignorance about what it means protection. The protection of IDPs is addressed from the analysis of the concept of protection from a rights-based approach. The protection of IDPs, ultimately involves ensuring that they can resume a normal life by achieving a durable solution. However, although there have been advances in the normative and conceptual process of finding durable solutions, the existence of at least 40 countries with people in protracted displacement means that the IDPs are still marginalized in the process of peace building. In this article, it is proposed that existing conceptual difficulties explain the limited attention given to this problem.</p><p><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamed Ali DAW ◽  
Abdallah Hussean El-Bouzedi ◽  
Mohamed Omar Ahmed

Abstract The interrelationships between HIV/AIDS and armed conflict are a complex phenomenon and studies are rarely devoted to this area of research. Libya is the second-largest country in Africa that has been evoked with war since NATO intervention in 2011. The country has also experienced one of the largest HIV outbreaks associated with the Bulgarian Nurses saga. The effect of the armed conflict on the dynamic spread of HIV is not well known. The objectives of this study were to determine the impact of armed conflict on the epidemiological situation of HIV infection in Libya and analyze the transmission dynamics of HIV strains during the conflict. We investigated the movement of HIV-infected people during the Libyan armed conflict and analyzed the HIV subtypes reported from 2011 to 2020 and followed up the infected cases all over the country. The patterns of HIV spread within the Libyan regions were traced and risk factors were determined during the conflict period. A total of 4539 HIV/AIDS patients were studied from the four regions during the Libyan conflict. Our data analysis indicated that Benghazi the biggest city in the Eastern region was the significant exporter of the virus to the rest of the country. Viral dissemination changes were observed within the country particularly after 2015. A major virus- flow from the Eastern region during the armed conflict associated with internally displaced people. This resulted in a dissemination of new HIV strains and accumulations of HIV cases in Western and Meddle regions. Although, there were no significant changes in the national prevalence of HIV/AIDS. Our data highlights the factors that complicated the spread and dissemination of HIV during the armed conflict which provides a better understanding of the interaction between them. This could be used to plan for effective preventive measures in tackling the spread of HIV in conflict and post-conflict settings.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Valeria Lazarenko

Abstract For more than six years, Ukrainian society has been constantly searching for ideas as to how to write a new “national biography.” In a society divided by armed conflict, the so-called decommunization process is considered to be an idea capable of uniting a nation. This process started back in 2015, with the passing of a specific law that required not only the deconstruction of Soviet-time monuments in public spaces, but also a huge decommunization of place names. The article will explore the main practices of place (re-)naming during the different stages of the decommunization (but not de-ideologization) of spaces, as well as describing the problems that may emerge in society as a result of a rapid transition from one narrative to another. Based on a case study of spatial identities of internally displaced people, I am going to answer the question of how people perceive renamed spaces, and how they reclaim and re-appropriate these spaces in the midst of an identity crisis.


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