Democracy and Displacement in Colombia's Civil War

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abbey Steele
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Collective Violence ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Shared Identity ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Combining Evidence ◽  
The World ◽  
Displaced People

Civilian displacement is a regular, massive feature of civil war violence. This book provides a new way to think about displacement, by connecting it to how armed groups target violence against civilians, and how civilians respond. Individuals escape selective violence, civilians relocate together to avoid indiscriminate violence, and groups experience political cleansing following collective violence. Political cleansing is the expulsion of civilians from their communities based on a shared identity or trait. While it is difficult to detect civilians’ loyalties, the book shows that elections can both facilitate and incentivize displacement by revealing civilians’ political preferences; and giving elites a stake in the electoral composition of a community, motivating them to ally with armed groups. The book traces how democratic reforms triggered both processes in Colombia, leading to a major intensification of the war and to one of the highest populations of internally displaced people in the world. Combining evidence collected from remote archives, interviews with ex-combatants and displaced people, and quantitative data from the government’s displacement registry during nearly two years of fieldwork, the book connects Colombia’s political development and the course of its civil war to displacement.

A Spatial Model of Internal Displacement and Forced Migration

2020 ◽  
pp. 002200272095847
Author(s):  
Jon Echevarria-Coco ◽  
Javier Gardeazabal
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Model ◽  
Forced Migration ◽  
Real Data ◽  
Internal Displacement ◽  
Internally Displaced Persons ◽  
Geographical Proximity ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Country Size ◽  
The World ◽  
Displaced People

This article develops a spatial model of internal and external forced migration. We propose a model reminiscent of Hotelling’s spatial model in economics and Schelling’s model of segregation. Conflict is modeled as a shock that hits a country at certain location and generates displacement of people located near the shock’s location. Some displaced people cross a border, thus becoming refugees, while others remain as Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs). The model delivers predictions about how the fractions of a country’s population that become refugees and IDPs ought to be related with the intensity of the shock, country size, terrain ruggedness and the degree of geographical proximity of the country with respect to the rest of the world. The predictions of the model are then tested against real data using a panel of 161 countries covering the period 1995-2016. The empirical evidence is mostly in line with the predictions of the model.

scholarly journals A Perspective on Nigeria’s Preparedness, Response and Challenges to Mitigating the Spread of COVID-19

Challenges ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
Madubuike Umunna Anyanwu ◽  
Ishmael Jaja Festus ◽  
Obichukwu Chisom Nwobi ◽  
Chinwe-Juliana Iwu Jaja ◽  
James Wabwire Oguttu
Keyword(s):  
Large Population ◽  
Disease Status ◽  
Personal Hygiene ◽  
Boko Haram ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Social Distancing ◽  
Internally Displaced People ◽  
The World ◽  
Displaced People ◽  
Google Search

Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) is a novel disease pandemic that emerged in late 2019 in China, and later spread to other parts of the world, including Nigeria. This review analyzes the preparedness of Nigeria to the COVID-19 pandemic and recommends strategies that could be useful in controlling the disease. Published articles on COVID-19 worldwide, socioeconomic and disease status and preparedness to COVID-19 in Africa and Nigeria, were retrieved from databases such as Pubmed, MEDLINE, Scopus, Web of Knowledge and Google search engine. Nigeria is the most populous black nation in the world, and is one of the largest crude oil producers in the world. However, its healthcare system is dilapidated and weak, due to years of neglect and widespread corruption. As a result, Nigeria is vulnerable to COVID-19, as evidenced by the current geographical distribution of the disease in its population. Many socioeconomic factors could potentially facilitate the spread of COVID-19 in Nigeria. This could lead to a high caseload in the country, which could overwhelm the health care system. The application of social distancing, personal hygiene, especially hand hygiene and mask-wearing, as practiced in many countries, has proven to be effective to reduce the spread of COVID-19. In Nigeria, social distancing, in many instances, may be impracticable, given its large population, and a high density of people living in crowded conditions like slums and camps. Moreover, there is a sizeable population of internally displaced people, due to the attack by Boko Haram fighters in Northern Nigeria, and herdsmen in Southern Nigeria. The implementation of these measures is likely to be a great challenge. Nigeria has announced a complete lockdown for the containment of COVD-19, but its implementation and efficacy are doubtful, due to the same reasons previously mentioned.

scholarly journals IDP resettlement and collective targeting during civil wars

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (6) ◽  
pp. 810-824 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abbey Steele
Keyword(s):  
Panel Data ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Armed Group ◽  
Internally Displaced People ◽  
Displaced People ◽  
Policy Priority ◽  
Perverse Effect

Refugees and internally displaced people (IDPs) are not always safe where they resettle in ethnic civil wars, in which civilians’ identities overlap with the ethnic profile of armed combatants. This article argues that IDPs are also vulnerable in non-ethnic civil wars, through two related mechanisms that indicate civilians’ loyalties: (1) where the displaced are from and when they left; and (2) resettlement patterns. The first can suggest loyalties when the displacement is associated with territorial conquest and expulsion of suspected sympathizers. In turn, the displaced would be considered disloyal by the armed group responsible for the expulsion, and could be subject to further violence where they resettle. The second mechanism relates to the first: if displaced civilians are considered disloyal, then resettling with other, similarly stigmatized civilians can improve their security by reducing the household’s risk of discovery. However, clustering together with other IDPs can have a perverse effect: even though living in an enclave may reduce a particular household’s likelihood of suffering violence, the group itself is endangered because it is more easily detected. Armed groups can collectively target IDPs who resettle in clusters, either for strategic or retributive reasons. Implications of the argument are tested with detailed subnational panel data on IDP arrivals and massacres in Colombia, and the analyses provide support for the argument. The findings indicate that collective targeting of IDPs occurs even in civil wars without an ethnic cleavage, following voluntary resettlement patterns, and reinforces IDP security as a policy priority.

scholarly journals Refuge: Rethinking Refugee Policy in a Changing World

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-71
Author(s):  
Wesley Snedeker
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Refugee Policy ◽  
World War ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
The World ◽  
Displaced People ◽  
International Border ◽  
Second World ◽  
Changing World

The world is facing a crisis of displaced people more devastating than any it has seen since the Second World War. 65 million people, about 45 million of whom are internally displaced, have been forced to flee from their homes because of disaster and violence. 20 million have crossed an international border to find safety (1). Upon doing so, they become, under the Western world’s definition, refugees.

scholarly journals The Effect of Conflict and Displacement on the Health of Internally Displaced People: The Colombian Crisis

2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 26-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliana Andrea Barrera Ramirez ◽  
Hernan Dario Franco
Keyword(s):  
Urban Areas ◽  
Rural Families ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Soins De Santé ◽  
Poor Access ◽  
Displaced People ◽  
Health And Well Being

ABSTRACTDecades of violence in Colombia led to the relocation of millions of rural families into urban areas, where the violation of human rights and abuse add to the struggle to meet most basic needs. Lack of housing, economic instability, poor access to healthcare and educa­tion impact their overall health. Unfortunately, implementation of laws created to alleviate the crisis has been unsuccessful, as armed groups target aid efforts through violence and threats. While the role of physicians is limited, advocacy and collaboration with other organizations can help improve the health and well-being of this population. RÉSUMÉDes décennies de violence en Colombie ont mené au relogement de millions de familles rurales vers des milieux urbains, où la viola­tion des droits de la personne et les sévices exacerbent la lutte pour subvenir aux besoins fondamentaux. Le manque de logement, l’instabilité économique, et l’accès restreint aux soins de santé et à l’éducation ont un impact sur leur santé globale. Malheureuse­ment, l’établissement de lois conçues pour alléger la crise s’est révélé sans succès, puisque des groupes armés ciblent ces efforts d’aide humanitaire avec de la violence et des menaces. Bien que le rôle des médecins soit limité, les activités de plaidoyer et la collaboration avec d’autres organismes peuvent aider à améliorer la santé et le bien-être de cette population. 

Civil Wars and Displacement

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayşe Betül Çelik
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Forced Migration ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Displaced People ◽  
Return Dynamics ◽  
Shed Light

The growing number of civil wars in the post-Cold War era has been accompanied by a rising number of forcibly displaced people, who either stay within the borders of their own countries, becoming internally displaced persons (IDPs), or cross borders to become refugees. Although many studies have been conducted on the reasons of conflict-induced displacement, various questions remain of interest for the scholars of international relations, especially questions pertaining but not limited to the (a) gendered aspects of conflict, displacement, and peace processes, (b) predicting possible future displacement zones, and (c) best political and social designs for returnee communities in post-civil war contexts. Most studies still focus on the negative consequences of forced migration, undermining how refugees and IDPs can also contribute to the cultural and political environment of the receiving societies. Considering that there is a huge variation in types of conflict, motivations for violence, and the resulting patterns of displacement within the category of civil war, more research on the actors forcing displacement, their intentions, and subsequent effects on return dynamics can benefit research in this field. Similarly, research on return and reconciliation needs to treat displacement and return as a continuum. Paying attention to conflict parties in civil war bears the potential for new areas of exploration whose outcomes can also shed light on policies for post-civil war construction and intergroup reconciliation.

scholarly journals Refuge: Rethinking Refugee Policy in a Changing World

2019 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-71
Author(s):  
Wesley Snedeker
Keyword(s):  
Second World War ◽  
Refugee Policy ◽  
World War ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
The World ◽  
Displaced People ◽  
International Border ◽  
Second World ◽  
Changing World

The world is facing a crisis of displaced people more devastating than any it has seen since the Second World War. 65 million people, about 45 million of whom are internally displaced, have been forced to flee from their homes because of disaster and violence. 20 million have crossed an international border to find safety (1). Upon doing so, they become, under the Western world’s definition, refugees.

The Role of Armed Conflict in Developing a Subculture of Hate and its Consequences

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-76
Author(s):  
Mustafa Omar Attir
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Hate Speech ◽  
Internally Displaced ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Ghost Towns ◽  
Displaced People ◽  
Mainstream Society

When Libyan youth took to the streets in a populist uprising in 2011, which became known as the 17 February 2011 revolution, many Libyans thought they were on the verge of removing one of the most vicious dictators of the twentieth century, Muammar Gaddafi, and building a new democratic state. Gaddafi responded forcefully, hoping to eliminate the movement in its infancy. But clashes between Gaddafi’s forces and those who took to streets soon turned into a civil war, during which Libyan society was split into two major groups: one supporting the uprising, the other the regime. In addition to armed conflict, these warring groups regarded each other with contempt, generated slander, and accused each other of betrayal, using words and phrases in a discourse of hate speech. This vocabulary of hate manifested in demonstrations and social media. Eight months later Gaddafi was dead, and the political system he built over four decades collapsed. But the war did not stop: yesterday’s allies became enemies, competing for political and economic gains. The number of contesting groups expanded as different clans, tribes, and cities joined the fray for personal gains. Strategies and techniques first used during the Libyan uprising were applied in the civil war, and are still manifest today. Every militia has a Facebook page, owns a television station, or has access to one. These media have been widely used to spread hate speech and to widen the rift between neighbors, creating refugees and internally displaced people. At least five cities became ghost towns during the uprising. When the concept of subculture first appeared in the sociological literature, it referred to members of a group that behaved according to a set of values and norms that deviated from those of mainstream society. Reviewing the language of militia members and their supporters that is articulated in social media or on television, it becomes obvious that such language has devolved into hate speech, creating social fragmentation among Libyans. This language has created a new set of values and norms in Libya that are different from preexisting mainstream Libyan culture. The new language has created a subculture of hate, which serves to sustain and accelerate continuing divisions within Libya, while further fragmenting the social fabric of the country.

Desertion

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Théodore McLauchlin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
The World ◽  
Military Units

This book examines the personal and political factors behind soldiers' choices to stay in their unit or abandon their cause. The book explores what might spur widespread desertion in a given group, how some armed groups manage to keep their soldiers fighting over long periods, and how committed soldiers are to their causes and their comrades. To answer these questions, the book focuses on combatants in military units during the Spanish Civil War. The book pushes against the preconception that individual soldiers' motivations are either personal or political, either selfish or ideological. Instead, it draws together the personal and the political, showing how soldiers come to trust each other — or not. In doing so, it demonstrates how the armed groups that hold together and survive are those that foster interpersonal connections, allowing soldiers the opportunity to prove their commitment to the fight. It argues that trust keeps soldiers in the fray, mistrust pushes them to leave, and political beliefs and military practices shape both. The book brings the reader into the world of soldiers and rigorously tests the factors underlying desertion. It asks, honestly and without judgment, what would you do in an army in a civil war? Would you stand and fight? Would you try to run away? And what if you found yourself fighting for a cause you no longer believe in or never did in the first place?

Characterizing and Explaining Wartime Displacement

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abbey Steele
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Violence ◽  
Collective Identities ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Violence Against Civilians ◽  
Displacement Based

Chapter one offers a typology of displacement, based on how armed groups target violence against civilians. Selective violence leads to individual escape, indiscriminate violence leads to mass relocation, and collective violence leads to political cleansing. The first two types are unintentional outcomes of armed groups’ violence, while political cleansing is purposeful displacement. The chapter then goes on to explain when and where armed groups are most likely to attempt political cleansing during civil war. Armed groups displace civilians who they believe are loyal to their rivals, during contestation for territory. Elections during wars can forge collective identities through political parties, reveal civilians’ loyalties, and spur politicians to ally with armed groups.

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