Preparing for a War on Terrorism

2001 ◽  
Vol 100 (649) ◽  
pp. 355-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica Stern

America's goal must be to prevent future strikes by its enemies. The United States cannot afford to allow an emotional desire for quick retribution to override its long-term national security interests. It would not be difficult to make things worse rather than better.

2019 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-461
Author(s):  
Narges Bajoghli

Abstract Based on ethnographic research in Iran among the country's Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and its Basij militia, this article explores the process of gaining access to these militarized groups in order to conduct long-term research. Specifically, what does it mean to build rapport and gain trust within a highly securitized space such as this? What happens when the researcher is a potential “national security” threat in both Iran and the United States? How is national security enacted in everyday interactions in the field? Given that anthropologists have tended to have an affinity with the group and community they work with, this article explores the implications of research among a group of men in charge of surveillance, intelligence gathering, and citizen suppression in the country. The article argues that in the midst of national security rhetoric, interrogative surveillance is a strategic tool that makes space for engagement.


Author(s):  
R. Evan Ellis

The national security challenge presented by the People’s Republic of China (P.R.C.) to the United States in the Western Hemisphere is principally long-term and indirect. It is a challenge that is widely misunderstood, and only partly related to the growing activities of P.R.C. armed forces in the hemisphere. The severity of the challenge, and its potential to transform from a difficult-to-define erosion of U.S. global position and long-term prosperity to an acute military threat, will depend, in part, on the adeptness of U.S. policymakers in navigating the landscape of threats and opportunities stemming from the rise of China as a dominant global actor. Whether U.S. policymakers are successful or not, China’s presence in the Western Hemisphere will likely continue to be a defining consideration for U.S. national security in the mid-21st century. The purpose of this chapter is to discuss that security challenge and the response of the U.S. to date, and to offer recommendations for U.S. policymakers.


1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 21-23
Author(s):  
John Stockwell

Following several years of shocking revelations about the United States intelligence service, we now have a unique opportunity to rethink our objectives in the Third World, especially in Africa, and to modify our intelligence activities to complement rather than contradict sound, long term policies. The revelations, and their related publicity, have been a healthy exercise, making the American public aware of what enlightened people throughout the world already knew, that CIA operations had plumbed the depths of assassination, meddlesome covert wars, and the compulsive recruitment of foreign officials to commit treason on our behalf; activities which, if they did not border on international terrorism, certainly impressed their victims as harsh and cruel, whatever their bureaucratic authentication and national security justification in Washington.


Author(s):  
Alasdair Roberts

This chapter looks at how leaders also think about another border as they formulate a strategy for governing. This is the temporal divide between present and future, the invisible line that separates the present generation from the generations that follow. Institutions can be designed to give more weight to the interests of future generations. Indeed, leaders have built institutions with a vested interest in tending to future threats. In the United States, the Department of Defense regularly reviews threats to national security that will likely face the next generation. However, leaders are often driven toward shortsightedness, because they must also respond to more immediate challenges. Any state, democratic or authoritarian, must deal with the reality of competition within the system of states. To maintain security and influence, leaders must keep their national economies growing, even if it causes long-term environmental damage.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (5) ◽  
pp. 1253-1279
Author(s):  
Simon Reich ◽  
Peter Dombrowski

Abstract Deliberations over the COVID-19 pandemic's long-term effects on the global balance of power have spurred a large and rancorous debate, including speculation about a shift in the definition of national security and prescriptions about where it should focus. That argument will no doubt continue. But we argue that one consequence is already evident: the United States has spent the last seventy years portraying itself as a security provider in all key domains—for many an intrinsic component of its status as a global leader. One reasonable broad conclusion from the US struggle with COVID-19 is that it has further forfeited its broad leadership position on the basis of its behaviour. Yet that, although possibly true, would only portray one element of the story. The more profound insight exposed by COVID-19 is of a new reality: in a world where both naturogenic and anthropogenic threats pose immense national security challenges, decades of mistaken assumptions and policy choices have created a new environment, one where the United States has been redefined as a security consumer, at least in terms of international public health issues associated with the spread of deadly infectious diseases.


1969 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malcolm W. Hoag

Recalling the abrupt changes in American national security policy in 1953 and 1961, we may well ask: What New Look should we expect now? What should we want? Changes will probably emerge more temperately and slowly than they did in those years. To our friends abroad, over-sensitized as they have become to policy modifications, this prospect should be reassuring. Much as they tend to sympathize with dissent within the United States over Vietnam, they realize that our domestic furor over this tragic war threatens to induce a generalized neo-isolationism. Arguments for neo-isolationism have a powerful appeal, but tend to cloud debate about the real issues for long-term security policy choice: what doctrine, military force structure, budgets, and plans?


Author(s):  
Charles D. Freilich

Chapter 12 proposes a comprehensive new Israeli national security strategy. The overall thrust is that Israel has become fundamentally secure and can adopt a long-term approach of greater “strategic patience,” with a heightened emphasis on defense, including building a national rocket and missile shield, and diplomacy. Separation from the Palestinians should be Israel’s foremost national objective. Israel should define relations with the United States as a fundamental national security pillar, adapt to the reality of dependence, and seek a defense treaty, but also aspire to independence where possible. Israel must maintain robust conventional and strategic capabilities, maintain nuclear ambiguity, ensure Iran never crosses the nuclear threshold, but prepare for an era in which the “Begin Doctrine” may no longer be feasible. The strategy further emphasizes the need to preserve and strengthen Israel’s domestic sources of power and thus the need for socioeconomic and electoral reform as primary national security objectives.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Quentin Lau

“What’s so scary about the CNOOC-Nexen deal?” 1 reads an article regarding the recent takeover bid. Although the deal has been fully approved, the question is one of many still gripping the issue over CNOOC’s (China National Offshore Oil Corporation) takeover bid of Nexen, a Calgary based oil and gas company. 2 However, this ongoing issue has broader implications; specifically if Chinese state-owned enterprises (hereafter SOEs) present a challenge or opportunity for Canadian national security interests. With the decline in trade and economic activity in the United States, Canada’s largest trading partner, new opportunities for Canada have presented themselves. China is one of them, a rapidly developing state whose hunger for energy continues to grow. The uneasiness that has come with the CNOOC-Nexen deal and the Canadian government’s recent response, displays the misguided approach of Canada towards the growing Chinese power. This paper explores the erroneous conceptions of Chinese SOEs, the implications of this and the possible solutions that can benefit Canada in the long term.


Author(s):  
Melissa A. Pierce

In countries other than the United States, the study and practice of speech-language pathology is little known or nonexistent. Recognition of professionals in the field is minimal. Speech-language pathologists in countries where speech-language pathology is a widely recognized and respected profession often seek to share their expertise in places where little support is available for individuals with communication disorders. The Peace Corps offers a unique, long-term volunteer opportunity to people with a variety of backgrounds, including speech-language pathologists. Though Peace Corps programs do not specifically focus on speech-language pathology, many are easily adapted to the profession because they support populations of people with disabilities. This article describes how the needs of local children with communication disorders are readily addressed by a Special Education Peace Corps volunteer.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document