Ethnic Politics in Minority Dominant Regimes

2020 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-63
Author(s):  
Miaad Hassan

This article attempts to answer the question of why ethnic identity rather than national identity is more likely to be salient after an ethnic majority overcomes a dominant minority rule? Does an ethnic majority succeeding a dominant minority pursue an authentic representative government or does it reinvigorate its own ethnic identity through the pursuit of ethnic politics? Ethnic minority governance inevitably raises questions of legitimacy and inclusivity. Even in secular democracies, where courts protect citizen rights, democracy is far from perfect, but in countries that divide along ethnicity, religion, sector, or tribal loyalty, the history of all-inclusive governance is not encouraging. Typically, minority rule in non-democratic countries tends to despotism and autocracy. Therefore, the policies of dominant minority regimes scarcely differ from those of majoritarian governments, and outcomes can also vary dramatically. By comparing dominant minority rule in three cases—Iraq, Syria, and Bahrain1—I analyze how ethnic conflict is prevalent and prolonged in countries where ethnic minorities rule and how the outcome ultimately impacts state national identity. I maintain that ethnic identity issues and ethnic conflict do not resolve with majoritarian rule. In fact, if a majoritarian party assumes power after a dominant minority government, it will likely consolidate its own identity and pursue ethnic politics by way of an ethnocultural form of self-determination. Theoretically, this article contributes to the debate on the incompatibility of ethnicity and nationalism on the one hand, and with nation and state building on the other.

Author(s):  
James Meffan

This chapter discusses the history of multicultural and transnational novels in New Zealand. A novel set in New Zealand will have to deal with questions about cultural access rights on the one hand and cultural coverage on the other. The term ‘transnational novel’ gains its relevance from questions about cultural and national identity, questions that have particularly exercised nations formed from colonial history. The chapter considers novels that demonstrate and respond to perceived deficiencies in wider discourses of cultural and national identity by way of comparison between New Zealand and somewhere else. These include Amelia Batistich's Another Mountain, Another Song (1981), Albert Wendt's Sons for the Return Home (1973) and Black Rainbow (1992), James McNeish's Penelope's Island (1990), Stephanie Johnson's The Heart's Wild Surf (2003), and Lloyd Jones's Mister Pip (2006).


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-326 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Sorens

This article analyzes the “risk factors” of secessionism at the substate, regional level. It seeks to answer the question, What regions are more likely to support more successful secessionist parties? Using new data in cross-sectional regression analysis, the author finds that secessionism involves unique factors not common to other kinds of ethnic conflict. Specifically, in addition to “identity” variables such as regional language and history of independence, the following variables explain secessionist strength: lack of irredentist potential, relative affluence, geographical noncontiguity, population, and multiparty political system. These factors generally serve as activators of ethnic identity rather than a substitute for the same, although there are important cases of nonethnic secessionism.


Author(s):  
Ilam Khan

Marginalization causes conflicts; they may be political, social, or economic. A careful contemplation over the history of Sri Lanka reveals that the sentiments of being marginalized have been present — in one (ethnic) group or the other — in the island right from its independence. When the majority ethnic group, i.e., the Sinhala, was in a position of power, it manipulated the constitution of the country to safeguard its own interests. This widened the rift among different ethnic and religious groups, especially between the Sinhala and the Tamil. This structural marginalization resulted in a civil war, starting in 1983, that lasted for 26 years. However, the ethnic conflict did not resolve even after the end of the civil war and continues to exist in the form of a political struggle between the Tamil and Sinhala. The Tamil demand for federation, autonomy, inclusion, and self-determination can only be achieved through constitutional means. Therefore, this research evaluates the post-Civil Warconstitutional development and amendment processes that were, at a point in time, more pluralistic and liberal, and contributing well to managing the ethnic conflict in the country. It was expected that the ethnic conflict would be permanently resolved through the constitutional arrangements, which Sri Lanka was already heading. However, the majority (Sinhala) reversed the progress through a new (20th) amendment to the constitution. Against this backdrop, this article argues that all segments of the society can be accommodated in the political sphere of the state through political liberalization which is possible only through constitutional arrangements.


2006 ◽  
Vol 188 ◽  
pp. 1048-1069 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul G. Pickowicz

This article explores cultural producation during the Mao era (1949–76) by focusing on the evolving relationship between artists and the party-state. The emphasis is on state direction of art in the all-important film industry. From 1949, well-known bourgeois Republican-era artists willingly began the complicated, painful and sometimes deadly process of adjusting to Communist Party state building, nation building and political domination. The career of influential film director Zheng Junli is examined as a case study of creative and strategic accommodation to new circumstances on the one hand, and of complicity on the other. Zheng is seen in his dual and contradictory roles as both trusted, ever loyal insider and unreliable, even degenerate, outsider. His Mao-era films, especially the spectacular Great Leap Forward production of Lin Zexu, are analysed in terms of their political thrust and reception in the difficult-to-predict world of the People's Republic.


2018 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 588-615 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Wagner

Reinhart Koselleck showed that the decades around 1800 witnessed a major transformation of political language. Around 1800, the horizon of expectations gained distance from the space of the experiences that human beings were making, and thus possibilities for the future opened up widely. In particular, the future would be the time during which ‘peoples’ would gain their capacity for self-determination, called popular sovereignty. This would occur in two particular versions that crystallized in the course of the 19th century, namely as ‘nations’ that would unify or liberate themselves from monarchical and/or imperial domination to form the polities proper to them, or as a ‘class’ that embodied the universal interest of humankind and would assert itself in a second revolution, following up on the French Revolution. Political concepts acquired during that period the meaning that they still had in the late 20th century, i.e. the time when Koselleck developed his approach to the history of concepts, but they may be challenged in the present time, and with them the entire self-understanding of modern polities. The recent Catalan conflict serves to better understand this challenge. ‘People’ and ‘nation’ are there used in ways that are reminiscent of this politico-conceptual tradition, but in a highly ambiguous way. On the one hand, they are employed in exactly their historical meaning: the Catalan people and nation are seen to be finally fulfilling their historical role of reaching political self-determination. On the other hand, these concepts are re-deployed to place them in the current context of existing democratic commitments and institutions as well as high interdependence between polities, all the while claiming that Catalan independence opens up a new normative horizon of democracy, rights, and freedom. This article will try to show that this undeclared ambiguity is characteristic of our current situation in general. This is a situation in which the historically created political concepts have sedimented in institutions, and thus appear to have ‘consolidated’ and moved beyond their historicity. At the same time, they remain impregnated with particular historical experiences that can be re-interpreted to be mobilized in political struggles of the present. To assess the validity and acceptability of any such re-interpretation requires explicit reflection about the persistence of historicity in political concepts.


Author(s):  
Camille Evrard

Camille Evrard discusses the transfer of military power in Mauritania during a long process of decolonization (between 1956 and 1977). Her approach links the history of institutions and politics, defined through state and system, with the perspectives held by individuals, notably by former military officers who served in the Sahara. The Mauritanian example, where French troops were over two decades actively engaged in counter-insurgency at the service of and in partnership with the Mauritanian government, is particularly instructive for an interpretation of the direct consequences of military decolonization. Evrard’s interpretation offers a scenario that had implications for actors on both sides, Mauritanian and French. On the one hand, French officials had to interact with local issues, and entered into what may be described as an experimental process of reorganizing their presence on the ground. On the other hand, they contributed to the Mauritanian vision of their own independence, to the ‘national identity’ of Mauritania, and to Mauritanian relations with neighbouring Morocco.


Author(s):  
Ashutosh Varshney

This article focuses on ethnic conflict and ethnic identity. It begins by differentiating these from nationalism, national identity, and civil wars. It presents a survey of the explanations provided in four traditions of enquiry, and also provides an analysis of the inadequacies or merits of arguments within each tradition. The article also reviews the evolution of arguments related to this field.


Author(s):  
Asker Zh. Shereuzhev

The factors that contributed to the secession of the Kabardin and Balkar districts from the Gorsk ASSR and the formation of the Kabardino-Balkarian Autonomous Region on January 16, 1922 are considered. Attention is drawn to the fact that during this period in the history of Kabardino-Balkaria important administrative-territorial transformations took place and the foundations of state building, the result of which was the gradual exit first of Kabarda on September 1, 1921, and then of Balkaria on January 9, 1922 from the Mountain ASSR and the formation of the Kabardino-Balkarian Autonomous Region on January 16, 1922. The article considers the formation of a unified autonomy of Kabardino-Balkaria against the background of the struggle of representatives of the Kabardian and Balkarian political elites for the right to secede from the Gorsk ASSR and subsequent unification.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-187
Author(s):  
Jeff Spinner-Halev

Jacob Levy argues that the multiculturalism of fear is meant to supplement, not displace, the multiculturalism of rights. Running against many recent celebrations of ethnic identity, Levy is wary of the effects that ethnic (which includes national) identity can have. Too often ethnic politics are cruel and conflictual. Levy is skeptical that a world where everyone's ethnic identity is politically recognized can be peaceful and harmonious. Yet neither can we simply wish ethnic identity away. While cultural identities are socially constructed, they are very much part of our world and so they must be dealt with. “The multiculturalism of fear,” Levy writes, “does see ethnic communities as morally important and distinctive, not because of what they provide for individuals, but because of what they risk doing to common social and political life” (p. 33).


2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-107
Author(s):  
Halil Ibrahim Yenigün

This book is primarily a history of the early Kurdish movement, from itsinception in the late nineteenth century to the 1930s. Yet, its distinctivenesscomes not from the Kurdish nationalists’ more publicized products, but fromits focus on the margins of their literary attempts. This study of failed nationalism“is concerned less with how and why Kurdish nationalism did or didnot ‘catch on’ than with the efforts made by [the] Kurdish elite to constructa viable concept of Kurdish identity” (p. 1). In other words, the author’smain concern is to identify how images of the Kurds were constructed andrepresented, and how they evolved, over time, until the late 1930s.The book is divided into three parts, each of which corresponds to a differentperiod that delineates differing self-images of the Kurds. Each part,in turn, consists of six to eight chapters that provide an account of both keyevents in the Kurdish movement’s history and literary works. Part 1,“‘Awakening’ the Kurds,” deals with the movement’s background contextand early period by discussing its leaders, several publications, and organizations.In this period, the Kurds’ self-definition was predominantly negative,and obstacles to modernization abounded: tribal structures, a nomadicway of life, illiteracy, ignorance, and wildness.Yet the Turks were never the “inimical other,” except for such people asthe Ottoman sultan Abdulhamid and “a long line of Ottoman despots.” Theyhad a long list of prescriptions to awaken and literally “remake” the Kurds sothat they could be accepted by the nations of the civilized world. When theWilsonian principles granted their right to self-determination without this culturalleap, some Kurds wanted a Kurdish state. However, the vast majoritymourned for the Treaty of Sevrés along with their Turkish brethren, despitethe fact that its articles established Kurdistan. This chapter also describes howmost Kurds joined forces with the Kemalists to drive out the occupiers, onlyto be frustrated by the Kemalists’ subsequent assimilation projects ...


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