“It's Your Face That Is Carrying You Through!”

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 64-83
Author(s):  
Laura E. Nym Mayhall
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Political Career ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Female Member

While Nancy Astor's 1919 victory at the polls—making her the first female member of British Parliament—figures prominently in narratives of women's political progress in Britain, the taunt thrown at her while she was campaigning at the Barbican earlier that year, “It's your face that is carrying you through!” figures nowhere in discussions of women's entry into formal political life there. Astor's rejoinder, “No, it's the heart behind it,” points to a tension in her candidacy and subsequent political career that is characteristic of modern celebrity: between the superficial and the genuine, the artificial and the authentic. This text describes how a “film star” and “a personality,” rarely seen by contemporaries as a politician in any masculine sense, successfully publicized the democratic elements of her persona in order to make privilege more palatable in the age of universal suffrage.

Political Participation in Britain: a Research Agenda for a New Study

1984 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geraint Parry ◽  
George Moyser
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
Political Life ◽  
British Politics ◽  
Rural Worker ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Town

HISTORICALLY SPEAKING, THE THEME OF POLITICAL PARTICIpation and the set of issues connected with it are as old as politics itself, because they touch on some of the most central and perennial questions of political life – who decides, where are the boundaries of community and citizenship to be drawn, who benefits, how will decisions be made? However, beyond this, participation has from time to time become a particularly central and salient issue in British politics. In the seventeenth century the issues revolved around the ‘claims of the gentry and merchant classes to play a larger part in the making of government policy’. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the issue moved on to representation of the nonropertied classes – the town worker, the rural worker and Etterly universal suffrage.

scholarly journals Philosophical interpretation to the history in Nosherwan Mustafa’s perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Azad Ali Maulud ◽  
Aras Abdulrahman Mustafa ◽  
Qadir Muhammed Muhammed
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Writing Style ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
History Writing ◽  
Political Career ◽  
Philosophical Interpretation ◽  
Philosophical School ◽  
Political Activist ◽  
Political Figure

Noshrwan Mustafa Emin ( 1944 -2017), commonly known as Noshirwan Mustafa, was a prominent Kurdish political figure and Peshmerga commander. He played an important role in the political life of southern Kurdistan as a Peshmarga commander and political activist. Therefore, the majority of Kurdish people may know him as a politician rather than as an author or historian. Pondering upon Noshrwan Mustafa’s history related writings, indicates that his contributions in that area is as significant as his political career. This research deals with a side of     Noshrwan Mustaf’s history writing style, which is " philosophical interpretation to the history in Noshrwan mustaf’s perspective". It appears that Noshrwan Mustafa was aware of the philosophical iterepretations. They could easily be noticed in his historical books. He, however, did not rely on only one philosophical school of thought to analyze historical events. He appears to have taken into account a plethora of philosophical views to analyze history.

scholarly journals João Carlos Teixeira Brandão, the first Brazilian professor of Psychiatry

2018 ◽  
Vol 76 (10) ◽  
pp. 713-715
Author(s):  
Cátia Mathias ◽  
Antonio E. Nardi
Keyword(s):  
Clinical Practice ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
Political Life ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Political Career ◽  
School Of Medicine ◽  
Medical Institutions ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Definition Of

ABSTRACT Aim: To describe the highlights in the personal, professional, and political life of the first Brazilian Professor of Psychiatry. Methods: The article draws on a wide range of documents: newspaper articles, documents of Brazilian medical institutions, scientific articles, theses, and books. Results: João Carlos Teixeira Brandão was a distinguished 19th-century Brazilian psychiatrist and leader of the institutionalization and consolidation of the field of Psychiatry in Brazil. He contributed to the recognition of the professional jurisdiction of the “alienist”, a specialized professional, qualified in clinical practice, diagnosis, and the definition of the boundaries between sanity and madness, based on scientific criteria, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Conclusion: This article highlights the key moments in the professional and political career of Professor João Carlos Teixeira Brandão, from his graduation from the Rio de Janeiro School of Medicine in 1877 to his death in 1921, when he was still active in national politics.

scholarly journals A True Maverick: The Political Career of Dr. Oswald E. Anderson, 1919-1944

2013 ◽  
Vol 87 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 3-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henrice Altink
Keyword(s):  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
Local Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Career ◽  
Black Politicians ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Masses

Abstract This article examines the political career of the African-Jamaican Dr. Oswald E. Anderson from his entry into local politics in 1919 till his defeat in the first election under universal suffrage in 1944. It will demonstrate that Anderson differed from other black politicians at the time because of his criticism of Crown Colony government, commitment to the welfare of the masses, nationalist fervour and above all his outspokenness about racial discrimination. In addition to describing and explaining why Anderson was such a ‘true maverick’, the article will also demonstrate that Anderson was a highly ambiguous politician.

An Ordinary Young Athenian Aristocrat?

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Azoulay
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Career ◽  
Political Reforms

This chapter explores the genealogical, economic, and cultural trump cards that were held by the young Pericles at the point when he stealthily embarked upon his political career. At the time of Pericles' birth, there was no “aristocracy” in Athens in the sense of a system in which hereditary power was held by a few great families. The chapter first provides a background on Pericles' ancestry before discussing the rumors surrounding the fortune of his maternal family, the Alcmaeonids. It then considers Pericles' education and his gradual entry into political life. In particular, it examines Pericles' decision to volunteer as a khorēgos, along with his involvement in the lawsuit against the general Cimon. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the political reforms adopted by Athenians at the instigation of Ephialtes.

Avdaces: A Study in Political Phraseology

1961 ◽  
Vol 51 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 12-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ch. Wirszubski
Keyword(s):  
Roman History ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Bellum Civile ◽  
Critical Juncture ◽  
Political Career ◽  
Republican Period ◽  
Velleius Paterculus

‘Audax venali comitatur Curio lingua’ wrote Lucan in a familiar line of his Bellum Civile, at a time when C. Scribonius Curio the younger had been a hundred years in his grave. Lucan was not the first to describe Curio as audax; Velleius Paterculus did so before him: ‘bello autem civili … non alius maiorem flagrantioremque quam C. Curio tribunus plebis subiecit facem, vir nobilis, eloquens, audax,’, 11, 48, 3. It seems, indeed, that the attribute audax was traditional for Curio and, if this is so, the tradition may well have originated in Curio's own time. His title to a place in Roman history rested on the fact that he changed sides at a critical juncture—‘momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum’ (Lucan IV, 819). And what earned him, whether in his lifetime or posthumously, the derogatory attribute audax was, I think, his political career, notably the record of his tribuneship, no less, if not more, than his character. Audax, as originally applied to Curio, was very probably a conventional partisan appellation which classified him more effectively as a political type than it characterized him as an individual. For the derogatory audax, as I shall presently try to show, belongs in the late Republican period to the current phraseology of political backbiting and it carries a distinctly political connotation. It is the purpose of this paper to consider what audax denotes in the vocabulary of Roman political life in the late Republic as well as who are regarded as audaces in Roman politics.

scholarly journals Crossing the Rubicon: Theodore Roosevelt, Henry Cabot Lodge, and the 1884 Republican National Convention

2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Kohn
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Chicago Convention ◽  
Theodore Roosevelt ◽  
Political Career ◽  
National Convention ◽  
Usual Story ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Great Damage

In 1884, a twenty-five-year-old Theodore Roosevelt attended the Republican National Convention in Chicago as a delegate-at-large from New York. There, he and his new friend, Massachusetts delegate Henry Cabot Lodge, backed George Edmunds of Vermont against their party's overwhelming choice, the “Plumed Knight,” James G. Blaine. Despite their energetic efforts, which received national attention, Blaine easily secured the nomination, and both Lodge and Roosevelt eventually backed the party's choice. For Lodge biographers, the Chicago convention represented Lodge's “personal Rubicon,” the “turning point” of his career, leading to “the greatest crisis of Lodge's political life.” Roosevelt historians also see the convention as “one of the crucial events of Theodore's life,” “the great and deciding moment of TR's life,” leading to “the most agonizing dilemma of his political career.” The usual story of the convention is that by backing Blaine against the wishes of other Independent Republicans, both Lodge and Roosevelt did great damage to their immediate careers by alienating their natural allies. This led to Lodge losing his race for Congress that same fall and to Roosevelt fleeing west to his Dakota ranch with his political future uncertain. Moreover, Roosevelt's decision is often depicted as the moment he became a professional politician. David McCullough writes that the convention “marked the point at which he chose—had to choose—whether to cross the line and become a party man, a professional politician,” while John Morton Blum asserts that by campaigning for Blaine, “Roosevelt declared not only for Blaine but also for professionalism.”

Theorievorming als machtsfactor : politieke elites en hun legitimatie 1830-1914

Res Publica ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 567-587
Author(s):  
Luc François
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Revolution ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Literature ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Masses ◽  
The Relationship

Theories concerning the origin, the growth and the efficacy of political elites mainly originated after the first world-war. They arose in circles and with people who resented the increasing democratisation of political life. They were above all meant as a legitimation of conservative ideas with regard to the exertion of politica! power. The years between 1830 and 1914 however can be considered as the incubation-period for these elite-theories. Some examples taken from the Belgian political literature shall illustrate this evolution.The liberal middle class got divided on the interpretation of the political events between 1789 and 1848. The doctrinarians wished to maintain the acquired results whereas the radicals chose for a further sharing ofpower with the lower social classes. The conservatives held the past as an example and in principle they wished a return to the situation that existed before 1789. The contrast between clericals and anticlericals and above all the relationship between church and state interfered with these theoretical conceptions. But neither conservatives nor liberals however had their doubts about the elite-principle.In the second half of the nineteenth century the social consequences of the industrial revolution were felt in such a radical way that the masses too claimed political power in order to improve their destiny.On the political scene the discussion especially crystallized on the demand for universal suffrage and the way of representation. Not only political publicists hut towards the end of the century particularly scientists too supplied a theoretical foundation for the relationship between the elite and the masses.

The French Origins of the ‘Right’

1973 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 27-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. M. Roberts
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Political History ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Ground ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Institutional Innovations ◽  
Modern Vision ◽  
The Right

Modern political history begins with the French Revolution. This is not merely because the Revolution began a diffusion of institutional innovations—universal suffrage, rights of association and publication, and so forth—which have been the political shibboleths of advanced societies ever since. It is also that there then appears the modern vision of politics. The term ‘vision’ is deliberately chosen, because it does not imply any necessary or objective correlation with the facts of political life. It is a name for a chosen way of seeing things, a persuasive account of the facts, not the facts themselves. Intransigent opponents have been able to agree on this vision and in finding it inspiring or clarifying. Its essence is a presentation of politics as a struggle between two enduring forces or principles. Sometimes these forces are sharply contrasted, sometimes they are only the opposite ends of a spectrum whose middle ground makes precise distinctions hard (though never impossible). Such modifications of the model do not matter; it is the enduring conflict which is crucial. Whatever names they bear—progress and reaction, liberalism and conservatism, movement and order, Left and Right—in this vision these principles are always at war, and that is what politics is about.

scholarly journals Stosunek biskupa Ignacego Krasickiego do reform polityczno-prawnych w Polsce doby stanisławowskiej

Prawo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 332 ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Józef Koredczuk
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Political Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Career ◽  
High Position ◽  
Legal Reforms ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Hierarchy ◽  
Important Time ◽  
Very High

Bishop Ignacy Krasicki’s attitude to the political-legal reforms in Poland of the King Stanisław era Bishop Ignacy Krasicki was one of the best known figures in Poland of the King Stanisław era. He was known primarily as a poet, writer, author of fables. As the Bishop of Warmia, he occupied a very high position in Poland’s political hierarchy at the time — he was a member of the country’s Senate. Yet, he failed to meet the expectations of the people associated with him, primarily King Stanisław August Poniatowski, whose closest associates included Krasicki in the first period of his political career. His involvement after 1772, the most important time in the analysed period with regard to political-legal reforms in Poland, was made difficult by the fact that the Bishopric of Warmia, which he was the head of, found itself outside Poland’s borders, an event not without an impact on Krasicki’s political attitude. Krasicki not being much involved in the turbulent political life in Poland at the time does not mean that Poland’s affairs were not close to his heart. He was first and foremost a poet, not a politician, and that is why he referred to these affairs metaphorically in his literary works. Die Stellung von Bischof Ignacy Krasicki zu den rechtlichen und politischen Reformen in Polen der Poniatowskizeit Der Bischof Ignacy Krasicki war eine der bekanntesten Personen in Polen der Poniatowskizeit, bekannt vor allem als Dichter, Literat und Märchenschreiber. Als Bischof von Ermland und Mitglied des Senats hatte er auch eine sehr hohe Position in der damaligen politischen Hierarchie in Polen. Entgegen den Erwartungen der ihm nahe stehenden Personen, vor allem des Königs Stanislaus II. August Poniatowski, zu dessen engsten Mitarbeitern er in der ersten Phase seiner eigenen politischen Kariere gehörte, erfüllte er die an ihn gesetzten Hoffnungen nicht. Sein Engagement nach 1772, also dem wichtigsten Jahr in der besprochenen Zeit hinsichtlich der rechtlichen und politischen Reformen in Polen, war erschwert. Das Bistum Ermland, das er verwaltete, kam nämlich außerhalb der Grenzen von Polen, was nicht ohne Einfluss auf seine politische Haltung blieb. Das gemäßigte Engagement Krasickis in das rege politische Leben in Polen soll nicht so gedeutet werden, dass dieses Thema ihn nicht berührte. Er war vor allem ein Dichter und kein Politiker, so äußerte er sich zu den polnischen Angelegenheiten per Metaphern in seinen literarischen Werken.

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