Don’t Mono-crop the Movement

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. R. Cohen

Over the past generation, advocates for healthier food and agriculture have drawn on the farm-to-fork trope to define spatial arrangements in the foodshed. Consider farmers' markets, food hubs, community supported agriculture (CSA), co-ops, rooftop, community, and schoolyard gardens, 100-Mile Diets, and urban farms: the architecture of reform is endless, but every part seeks to reduce the distance between food producers (farms) and consumers (forks). For all the intuitive appeal of the farm-to-fork trope, however, there are other ways to think about the local food movement's spatial configurations that could be more inclusive, multidimensional, and politically potent. This article argues that instead of a distance versus proximity orientation, good-food advocates might envision a kind of cultural ecology of various efforts toward healthier food and agriculture. This perspective shows the various organizational efforts of a region interacting like species in a healthy ecosystem. Where farmers' markets might be gentrified, for example, community gardens and urban farms might not; where urban farms might be labor intensive, food hubs might not and could offer healthier food in urban spaces; where food hubs might not be convenient enough, virtual marketplaces might. The downsides of one part are carried by the advantages of another; the limitations of the first are helped by the strengths of the next. What matters here are not just the particular individual innovations—farmers' markets, CSAs, food hubs, etc.—but the ways in which they overlap to build an interdependent whole. No longer one-dimensional, this cultural ecology adds political and organizational integrity to the physical integrity of food.

Author(s):  
Nazanin Nafisi ◽  
Osman Mohd Tahir ◽  
Sara Nafisi ◽  
Nazri Ishak

Residents have chosen to be living in urban regions in recent years largely due to the accessibility of job opportunities and public services. These led to a fast increase in the amount of people live in urban regions and cities. As a result, a large amount of the property used for agricultural activities was transformed into factories, housing units, and highways. This also resulted in a decrease in food production, growth in food prices and food import bills as the country now relies on food imports especially rice, fruits and vegetables, that can prevent the fostering of urban farming activities and then provide beneficial information essential to form it into a more consumer friendly program. Moreover, studies on urban farming are somewhat few in Malaysia and this study can become helpful for future research. The study focused on small-scale agriculture projects, such as community gardens, and community-level programs such as community supported agriculture and farmers markets. The study found that how urban agriculture enhances community resilience and wellbeing. This is the necessity for the Malaysian urban authorities to give more appropriate identification and support to city dwellers and promote them to develop the practice of urban farming.


2015 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 585-592 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabrielle O’Kane ◽  
Barbara Pamphilon

AbstractObjectiveDespite the usefulness of quantitative research, qualitative research methodologies are equally needed to allow researchers to better understand the important social and environmental factors affecting food choice and eating habits. The present paper contributes insights from narrative inquiry, a well-established qualitative methodology, to a food-related doctoral research study. The connections between food shoppers and the producer, family, friends and others in the food system, between eaters and the earth, and how these connections affect people’s meaning-making of food and pathways to food citizenship, were explored in the research.DesignThe research used narrative inquiry methodology and focus groups for data collection.SettingFive different food-ways in the Canberra region of Australia were selected for the present research; that is, community gardens, community-supported agriculture, farmers’ markets, fresh food markets and supermarkets.SubjectsFifty-two people voluntarily attended eight focus groups with four to nine participants in each.ResultsFrom a practical perspective, the present paper offers a guide to the way in which narrative inquiry has been applied to one research project. The paper describes the application of narrative inquiry methodology, revealing the important place of narratives in generating new knowledge. The paper further outlines how phased narrative analysis can lead to a defensible and rigorous interpretive framework grounded in the data generated from people’s stories and meaning-making.ConclusionsWe argue that individual, social and system change will not be possible without further rigorous qualitative studies to inform and complement the empirical basis of public health nutrition practice.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Nost

Full-text, in-print version here: http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S074301671400014XCitation: Nost, E. 2014. Scaling-up local foods: commodity practice in community supported agriculture (CSA). Journal of Rural Studies 34, 152-160.Non-profit, consumer, and government advocates are working to expand access to locally-produced foods as a way of addressing major social and ecological issues. Some activists, however, suggest that farms “scaling-up” production and distribution may lose sight of the movement's aims by circumventing a direct exchange between growing and consumer and by delivering “local” shares long distances. I argue that in order to answer whether scaling-up is misguided, we first have to understand how farms come to scale differently. I describe the varied practices that three community supported agriculture (CSA) farms in the Midwest perform in order to give their products market value as embedded in a specific socio-ecological context. I focus on three key moments of CSA that advocates are concerned about in scaling-up: 1) the employment of different kinds of labor; 2) operating within the seasons; 3) the management of sharer expectations about produce quantity and quality. As what I call commodity practice, farm decisions about these factors produce differently scaled local food commodities. These different practices are not necessarily incongruent with the aims of the movement. My main point in this approach is to advance an awareness of hybridity in local food institutions. As CSAs and other institutions like food hubs grow and evolve, a look at commodity practices can shed light on and confound some of the apparent contradictions in scaling-up.


2010 ◽  
Vol 110 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lacey Arneson McCormack ◽  
Melissa Nelson Laska ◽  
Nicole I. Larson ◽  
Mary Story

2020 ◽  
pp. 109019812095061
Author(s):  
Katie L. Butterfield ◽  
A. Susana Ramírez

Background Alternative food programs have been proposed as solutions to food insecurity and diet-related health issues. However, some of the most popular programs—farmers markets and community-supported agriculture—overwhelmingly serve White and upper-middle-class individuals, exacerbating food security and health disparities. One explanation for the mismatch is the way in which alternative food programs are framed: Language used to encourage participation may reflect priorities of upper-middle-class and White populations who create and run these programs while lacking resonance with food-insecure populations. This literature, however, lacks consideration of how lower-cost, more participatory programs—community gardens—are framed. We therefore explore the framing of community gardens through a quantitative content analysis of the descriptions, missions, and goals provided by community garden managers across Minnesota ( N = 411). Results Six frames were consistently present in the community garden statements: greater good, community orientation, healthy food access, food donation, self-empowerment, and symbolic food labels. Greater good and community orientation were significantly more likely to be used than any other frames. Conclusions Taken together, our findings suggest that community gardens may be welcoming toward a diversity of participants but still have room to improve the inclusivity of their frames. The common use of a community orientation suggests the unique ability of community gardens among alternative food programs to benefit Black, Latino, and working-class populations. However, the most common frame observed was “greater good,” suggesting one mechanism through which community gardens, like other types of alternative food programs, may be reproducing inequality through alienation of food-insecure populations.


Author(s):  
Katie King

Shaw (2006) argues that “the rubrics of difference against which Whiteness is commonly juxtaposed rarely includes Indigeneity, or the experiences of Indigenous peoples regardless of the North American domination of the field, and its settler context” (853). Viewing Canada and the United States as post-colonial nations, this paper seeks to broaden understandings of Indigenous food production, distribution, and consumption practices and/or projects and how they work to resist colonial histories of oppression. hooks (1992) defines decolonization as “a process of cultural and historical liberation; an act of confrontation with a dominant system of thought” (1). Using the concept of “Whiteness”, this research attempts to prove how small-scale Indigenous food systems located in North America decolonize dominant ways of seeing alternative food systems as white food spaces. To present this research to an interdisciplinary audience I will first attend to defining key concepts informing this research including: post-colonial nation, decolonization, Whiteness, and Indigeneity. I will then spend some time exploring what Sarah Whatmore describes as “Alternative Food Networks” (AFNs) and claims as “white food spaces”. Finally, in an attempt to decolonize alternative food systems as white spaces, I will share various forms of present-day, small-scale Indigenous food systems such as Wild Rice production by The White Earth Anishinaabe, the ‘Food from the Land’ program in the O-pipon-Na-Piwin Cree Nation, and various Indigenous farmers markets and community gardens.  


2010 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonnie B. Dunne ◽  
Kimberlee J. Chambers ◽  
Katlyn J. Giombolini ◽  
Sheridan A. Schlegel

AbstractLocal food systems are comprised of networks of actors that work to ensure the sustainability of food supplies within communities. While local food has typically been promoted through direct marketing strategies such as farmers' markets and community-supported agriculture (CSA), retail stores are increasingly carrying and marketing local foods in response to consumer demand and market potential. Given the frequency with which consumers shop at grocery stores, as well as the portion of consumers' food purchases made at these locations, these stores may play a significant role in the success of local agriculture and the shaping of ideology about what is ‘local’. We conducted 27 semi-structured interviews with representatives of food retailers known to source and market local foods in the four major urban centers of Oregon's Willamette Valley. Our results reveal that grocers' perceptions of local food vary significantly from one another. Additionally, our results differed in comparison to the published literature on consumers' and producers' ideas of what constitutes local. Food retailers identified varying distances (frequently a region including several states) that they consider local, as well as diverse reasons for choosing to source and market local foods (most commonly supporting the local economy). Some trends in the variation of responses relate to how the size and form of ownership of the grocery stores influence the level at which decisions are made. These wide-ranging perceptions outline many of the realities of the local food movement, as well as opportunities for change.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 2081 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marilyn Sitaker ◽  
Jared McGuirt ◽  
Weiwei Wang ◽  
Jane Kolodinsky ◽  
Rebecca Seguin

To open new markets, some farmers have adapted direct-to-consumer (DTC) models, such as Community Supported Agriculture (CSA), to reach new settings or audiences. We compared sociodemographic and geospatial contexts to farmers’ experience with one of two DTC innovations: a cost-offset CSA for low-income families and food boxes distributed through rural convenience stores. We geocoded addresses of thirteen farms and DTC pickup sites in two U.S. states (Vermont and Washington) and calculated road network distances from pickup to supermarket, farmers’ market, and farm. We compiled Census block-level demographic and transportation data, and compared it to postseason interviews to explore the effect of suitability of the pickup location; proximity to food retail; and potential farmer burden. Most pickup areas were heavily car-dependent, with low walkability and few public transportation options. Conventional sources of fresh produce were within six miles of most pickups, but farmers markets were further away. Despite modest profitability, both models were deemed worth pursuing, as they expanded farmers’ customer base. Farmers implementing the store-distributed food box were sensitive to market trends and customer needs in choosing pickup location. Farmers seemed more concerned with marketing in convenience store settings, and finding efficient ways to conduct recordkeeping than with delivery distances.


2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
David J. Connell ◽  
John Smithers ◽  
Alun Joseph

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