Migration and Soft Power

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 98-116
Author(s):  
Vanessa Ruget ◽  
Burul Usmanalieva
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Labor Migrants ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Economic Union

This article explores how Kyrgyz labor migrants in Russia view their host country’s government and its influence in Kyrgyzstan, including through the Eurasian Economic Union. Results suggest that migrants have nuanced, pragmatic pro-Russian views. They understand Kyrgyzstan’s dependency on Russia and admire the efficiency of Russia’s government. Yet, they also disapprove of its high levels of corruption and of its disregard for individual rights. Our work contributes to the literature on the diffusion of norms through migration; it also sheds light on Russia’s soft power in Central Asia at a time when rivalry with China is growing in the region.

REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN AND THE EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION: INTEGRATION OPPORTUNITIES

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Nabi Ziyadullayev ◽  
◽  
Ulugbek Ziyadullayev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Trade ◽  
Foreign Trade ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
National Economy ◽  
Effective Interaction ◽  
Regional Powers ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Economic Union ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Cis Countries

The article reveals the features of the international trade, economic and integration priorities of the Republic of Uzbekistan. The conceptual approaches to joining the WTO, diversification of the geography and structure of foreign trade, as well as the expansion of foreign economic cooperation with world and regional powers, the CIS countries and Central Asia are substantiated. Particular attention is paid to risks and building vectors for effective interaction with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), as well as mitigating the effects of the coronavirus pandemic on the national economy.

scholarly journals The Belt and Road Initiative and the Eurasian Economic Union: Exploring the “Greater Eurasian Partnership”

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-57
Author(s):  
Gaziza Shakhanova ◽  
Jeremy Garlick
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Economic Commission ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Economic Union ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
The Silk Road

The Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is a key partner in China’s Belt, and Road Initiative (BRI), since it comprises the majority of territories which the BRI’s overland route, the Silk Road Economic Belt, needs to traverse as it crosses Central Asia on the way to Europe. The goal of this article is to explore the BRI in the context of BRI–EAEU coordination. The first part of the analysis focusses on the ways the Eurasian Economic Commission delineates the “Greater Eurasian Partnership” and counterposes it against China and the BRI. Then, the article compares two sets of interpretations of the BRI and “Greater Eurasian Partnership” obtained from interviews with elites in Kazakhstan and Russia. The interviews indicate that the BRI has had a much more forceful impact on local elites than Russia’s idea of “Greater Eurasian Partnership.”

Integration in post-Soviet Central Asia

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Zuenko
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Political Ties ◽  
Active Search ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
One Belt One Road ◽  
Economic Union ◽  
Soviet Central Asia

The 2010s became the time of active search for new forms of integration in the wide Eurasian space between Europe and East Asia. The most well-known is China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative and the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). A 7000-kilometre border between China and the EAEU was formed in 2015, which became a crucial factor in the cooperation of China and Post-Soviet Central Asia. Many regard the EAEU as just a Moscow geopolitical project and underestimated its real impacts on economic and political ties in Eurasia, particularly in post-Soviet Central Asia. This chapter examines the EAEU as a factor of international relations in the global discussion about the OBOR initiative.

Prospects for Russia/CIS in the third quarter

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
Breaking Point ◽  
Regional Economies ◽  
The West ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Third ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Economic Union

Subject Prospects for Russia/CIS in the third quarter. Significance The third quarter could see a significant worsening of Russia's ties with the West. With the Donbas crisis threatening to erupt into open war as in 2014 and early 2015, the Minsk 2.0 process is strained to breaking-point. Recent months have seen the gradual deterioration of the February peace plan, with heavier skirmishing culminating in the recent battle for Maryinka. In Ukraine, the economic situation remains a major problem. In Central Asia, regional economies are suffering from Russia's slowdown, as some strengthen their integration with Russia as part of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU).

scholarly journals Central Asia as an area of China’s and Russia’s interests

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 732-742
Author(s):  
Elena A. Egorycheva
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Scientific Cooperation ◽  
Investment Projects ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Economic Union ◽  
The Belt And Road

Over the past decades, Russia and China have been steadily deepening their cooperation. It is seen in many fields: mutual trade agreements, investment and scientific cooperation, ecological and environment solutions to global issues. Russia is actively engaged in the Belt and Road Initiative proposed by China. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan are engaged in it as well. Some of them are also members of the Eurasian Economic Union. The paper aimed to identify China’s and Russia’s current interests in these countries, as Central Asia (CA) is the area where Russia’s and China’s interests coincide. Trade relations between the analyzed countries are considered in it. The paper also addresses investment projects under Belt and Road Initiative, which China has been financing in CA countries.

Japan plays catch-up in Central Asia

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Nuclear Energy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Japanese Investment ◽  
The Us ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
Catch Up ◽  
Economic Union

Subject Japan-Central Asia ties. Significance Prime Minister Shinzo Abe will make a five-nation tour of Central Asia in August -- the first since Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's in 2006. With the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union in effect as of January 1 and China fleshing out its plans for a 'New Silk Road Economic Belt', Japan presents itself as a 'third option' that could dilute China's and Russia's predominance. Impacts Opportunities for Japanese investment will grow, especially in the field of nuclear energy. Security ties could grow under the Abe government's defence reforms, 'proactive pacificism' and new interest in counter-terrorism. South Korea presents itself as another 'third option' and other countries are becoming more active too, even as the US presence recedes.

Tajikistan will try to balance Russia and China

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
The West ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Important Relationship ◽  
Silk Road Economic Belt ◽  
Economic Union ◽  
Ukraine Crisis

Subject Tajikistan's options for joining Russian-led Eurasian Economic Union. Significance Russia hopes that the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), which came into force on January 1, will include Tajikistan. The EEU currently comprises Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Armenia, with Kyrgyzstan set to join in May. Moscow is eager to pursue expansion of the EEU as its relations with the West deteriorate as a result of the Ukraine crisis. Russia is also believed to be seeking to put a check on China, whose 'silk road economic belt' will see billions of dollars invested in Central Asia. However, the economic benefits of EEU membership for Tajikistan are debatable and could put at risk its increasingly important relationship with China. Impacts EEU membership risks continuing a trend of significant numbers of Tajikistanis being dependent on working in Russia. EEU success will depend on the extent to which Russia is able to act as a destination for merchandise exports. As Russia's economy slows, the prospect of hundreds of thousands of Tajikistani workers returning home will rise, as will instability risk.

scholarly journals The Turkish Factor in Relations between Russia and Kazakhstan in the Context of Eurasian Integration

2021 ◽  
pp. 43-63
Author(s):  
M. M. Shumilov
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Regional Integration ◽  
National Development ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Progressive Development ◽  
Eurasian Economic Union ◽  
Economic Union ◽  
High Level ◽  
Integration Project

Today, the member states of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) have to respond to a set of challenges and threats that hinder the progressive development of regional integration. Among them are the problems of relations between the member countries themselves, who found themselves in a difficult situation in the context of the coronavirus pandemic. This does not detract from the huge potential of Eurasian integration and the possibility of expanding the range of interested participants in this project. For this reason, Russia and Kazakhstan are obliged to fully protect the constructive, allied, fraternal relations that have developed between them, especially since the success of Eurasian integration as a whole largely depends on this. The combination of objective factors and circumstances, including the spread of Turkey’s influence in Central Asia, puts RussianKazakh relations to certain tests. The Great Turan project, implemented by Turkey and its Turkicspeaking partners, carries certain risks for Russia. The purpose of this study is to clarify the circumstances related to this. At the same time, the author focuses on the development of Russian-Kazakh economic relations in the context of the implementation of the Eurasian integration project. It exposes the myth that the EEU is a politicized institution inspired by the “imperial elites” of Russia. Revealing and analyzing the existing conflict of interests, certain differences in the understanding of the tactical tasks of national development, the author shows that the conflict potential in relations between Russia and Kazakhstan is reliably stopped both by the leaders of the states and by the high level of good-neighborliness and popular will and has no prospects of aggravation. At the same time, the conclusion is justified that no problematic issues of Russian-Kazakh relations can devalue the positive prospects for Eurasian integration. The author also seeks to substantiate the thesis about the inability of the Turkish factor to cause damage to Russian-Kazakh relations and the Eurasian project as a whole. Moreover, the author tries to bring an objective platform under the statement about the compatibility and the possibility of interfacing the Eurasian and all-Turkic integration projects.

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