“They Are Always There”

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 35-48
Author(s):  
Toby Juliff

To speak of “Latin America” is to seek a frame of negotiation between those for whom it remains a pragmatic grouping, those who regard it as a psychic and geographic zone of experience, and those for whom it serves little other purpose than as a postcolonial mirage. And it’s certainly true that in the case of artists Ana Mendieta (Cuba, 1948–1985) and Cecilia Vicuña (Chile, b. 1948) a negotiation of zones takes on a particularly haunting mirage. Resisting the alluring and troubling “coherences” of African and Indian postcolonial returns in contemporary art (T. J. Demos, Return to the Postcolony: Specters of Colonialism in Contemporary Art, Sternberg Press, 2013), this paper argues that the zone of Latin America remains decidedly incoherent. The work of Mendieta and Vicuña conjure a cacophony of ghosts through the active resistance of easy conflations of Indigenous and non-Indigenous postcolonial experience. Through examining the hospitality that we must show to ghosts, Derrida’s marranismo reminds us that the guest speaks of a justice to come. In understanding the Latin American experience, this paper argues, the guest and the ghost share more than a phonological likeness.

1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 353-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Grugel ◽  
Monica Quijada

In December 1938 an alliance of the Radical, Communist and Socialist parties took office in Chile, the first Popular Front to come to power in Latin America. A few months later, in Spain, the Nationalist forces under Generalísimo Franco occupied Madrid, bringing an end to the civil war. Shortly after, a serious diplomatic conflict developed between Spain and Chile, in which most of Latin America gradually became embroiled. It concerned the fate of 17 Spanish republicans who had sought asylum in the Chilean embassy in the last days of the seige of Madrid, and culminated in July 1940 when the Nationalist government broke off relations with Chile. Initially, the issue at the heart of the episode was the right to political asylum and the established practice of Latin American diplomatic legations of offering protection to individuals seeking asylum (asilados). The causes of the conflict, however, became increasingly obscured as time went on. The principles at stake became confused by mutual Spanish– Chilean distrust, the Nationalists' ideological crusade both within Spain and outside and the Chilean government's deep hostility to the Franco regime, which it saw as a manifestation of fascism. The ideological gulf widened with the onset of the Second World War. This article concentrates primarily, although not exclusively, on the first part of the dispute, April 1939–January 1940. In this period asylum, which is our main interest, was uppermost in Spanish–Chilean diplomatic correspondence.


Author(s):  
Leiv Marsteintredet

Latin America holds a 200-year-long history of presidential constitutions. The region’s constitutional and democratic experimentation throughout history makes it an interesting laboratory to study the origins, development, and effects of presidential term limits. Based primarily on data from constitutions, this chapter provides an overview of presidential term limits in Latin America from independence until 1985. The chapter shows how term limits have varied across countries and time, and that the implementation of strict term limits often came as a reaction to prior dictatorial rules. Whereas both proponents and critics of consecutive reelection invoked arguments of democracy in their favour, the Latin American experience up until the Third Wave of Democracy shows that stable, republican, and democratic rule has only been possible under a ban on immediate presidential re-election.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 654-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omar G Encarnación

This essay examines the conditions that enable a ‘gay rights backlash’ through a comparison of the United States and Latin America. The United States, the cradle of the contemporary gay rights movement, is the paradigmatic example of a gay rights backlash. By contrast, Latin America, the most Catholic of regions, introduced gay rights at a faster pace than the United States without much in the way of a backlash. Collectively, this analysis demonstrates that a gay rights backlash hinges upon organisationally-rich ‘backlashers’ and an environment that is receptive to homophobic messages, a point underscored by the American experience. But the Latin American experience shows that the counter-framing to the backlash can minimise and even blunt the effects of the backlash.


2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (141) ◽  
pp. 541-549
Author(s):  
Emir Sader

Since the economic crises of 1994 in Mexico, 1999 in Brazil, and 2001 in Argentina, the neoliberal model has been loosing its legitimacy all over Latin America. Being confronted with massive popular protests, more than ten governments have had to step down in the last couple of years. But so far, the Latin American left has not been able to come up with an alternative project, which could effectively challenge the neoliberal hegemony. In fact, the recently elected left governments of Lula in Brazil and Tabaré Vazquez in Uruguay continue their predecessors' politics of fiscal adjustment. The article discusses the origins, strengths, and weaknesses of neoliberal hegemony in Latin America, and the future perspectives for a strong antineoliberal movement.


Author(s):  
Walter D. Mignolo

This chapter discusses South Asian subaltern studies as well as their adaptation by Latin Americanist historian Florencia Mallon and by the Latin American Subaltern Studies Group. It is important to keep in mind the differences between the original projects of South Asian Subaltern Studies Group formulated in terms of querying the “historic failure of the nation to come to its own” and of making clear that, “it is the study of this failure which constitutes the central problematic of the historiography of colonial India.” Although one can say that it is this problematic that engages Mallon's and the Latin American Group's adaptation, in both cases, there is a lack of attention to the fact that Latin America is not a country—like postpartition India—and that the many countries of Latin America obtained their independence at the beginning of the nineteenth century and not in 1947.


1978 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 593-614 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Collier

The recent emergence of harshly repressive military governments in several of the industrially most advanced nations of Latin America has called into question earlier hypotheses of modernization theory regarding the links between socioeconomic modernization and democracy. Guillermo O'Donnell has made an important contribution to explaining this new authoritarianism and to using the recent Latin American experience as a basis for proposing a major reformulation of the earlier hypotheses. Yet O'Donnell's analysis requires significant modification if its potential contribution is to be realized. Highly aggregated conceptual categories such as “bureaucratic-authoritarianism” should be abandoned, and his explanatory framework should be broadened to explicity incorporate the crucial political differences among Latin American countries, as well as the impact of the international economic and political system. A revised explanation for the rise of authoritarianism is presented to illustrate how some of these modifications could be applied in future research on political change in Latin America.


1942 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-65

It is seldom that a reviewer is privileged to point out to readers a book which has wisdom, experience, common sense, practicality, scholarship, and imagination all at once. To come upon such a book devoted to Latin America at this crucial turn in our relationships with her and to be able to recognize the book as a complete and accurate manual of economic, social, and anthropological conditions in each Latin American country is indeed to make a find. Perhaps it was not unexpected that it should be so. Professor James is a distinguished geographer who has devoted more than twenty years of study and travel to our southern neighbors. He is foremost among the geographers who know their subject to be as much social science ("human geography") as natural science. He has always been willing and able to turn to any source, academic or local, which will explain why and how people fit the surface of the earth. He has long explored the reasons for the failure of frontier expansion and population growth in Latin America and has gone far to find those reasons. But it is still nonetheless heartening to find the result up to expectations. There has been a myth current for many years that the Germans have an Institut für Geopolitik in which complete information is to be found on likely foreign areas. Whether or not the myth is true as to Germans, Professor James' Latin America could offer a model for any such effort. No Norteamericano diplomat, businessman, soldier, scholar, Indianist, traveler, who needs to learn of the conditions of life the other Americans have met and still meet can afford to miss it.


1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-88
Author(s):  
Wolf Grabendorff

Five Years after the lapse that occurred in European-Latin American relations as a result of the Malvinas/Falklands conflict (Rhein, 1983; Bodemer, 1985), and two years after the entry of Spain and Portugal into the European Community (CE), it would appear appropriate to review the relations between the European Community and Latin America. At the suggestion of the president of the Spanish government, Felipe González, who, among European heads of state, not only has a strong personal interest in Latin America, but also displays the most differentiated knowledge of the region, the European Council decided, in 1986 at The Hague (La Vanguardia, 1986), to charge the Commission of the European Community to come up with new guidelines regarding EC relations with Latin America.


2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Enrique S. Pumar

The article examines conflict patterns in Latin America since the second half of the twentieth century. It seems paradoxical that the region is one of the most peaceful in terms of interstate conflicts while contending with numerous domestic crises. The article first examines the peace studies literature and argues that neither the micro, macro, or more recent meso approach fits the Latin American experience well. Instead, a different approach proposes incorporating the effects of transnationalism, especially of transnational security concerns, into any consideration of peace in the region. Transnational threat perception diverts attention, suggests the need to handle a common enemy, increases the cost of fighting a conventional war, and involves issue-linkages. These factors along with the traditional absence of ethnic rivalries and the presence of international actors sustain the long peace in Latin America.


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