Voting Preference and Political Socialization among Mexican Americans and Mexicans Living in the United States

2003 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chappell Lawson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Partido Revolucionario Institucional ◽  
Media Messages ◽  
Institutional Revolutionary Party ◽  
Self Selection ◽  
Education Levels ◽  
Revolutionary Party

Recent survey data strongly suggest that extending the franchise to Mexicans living abroad would further weaken the already ailing Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Compared to their compatriots in Mexico, Mexicans in the United States are extremely ill disposed toward the PRI and particularly sympathetic to the center-right National Action Party (PAN). These differences, however, appear to be a function of education levels and media messages rather than underlying political values or self-selection through migration. Consequently, the distribution of voters across Mexico's main parties in future elections would depend in part on the dynamics of a campaign conducted partly in the United States. Algunos datos de encuestas recientes sugieren contundentemente que la ampliacióón del derecho de voto a los mexicanos que viven en el extranjero debilitaráá aun máás al doliente Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). Comparados a sus compatriotas en Mééxico, los mexicanos en los Estados Unidos estáán sumamente mal predispuestos hacia el PRI y miran con particular simpatíía al Partido de Accióón Nacional (PAN), de centro-derecha. Estas diferencias, sin embargo, parecen ser una funcióón de los niveles de educacióón y de los mensajes de los medios de comunicacióón máás que subrayar valores polííticos o una auto-seleccióón por la migracióón. Por consiguiente, la distribucióón de los votantes a travéés de los partidos principales de Mééxico en las elecciones futuras dependeráá en parte de la dináámica de una campañña conducida en parte en los Estados Unidos.

Democratizing Mexican Politics, 1982–2012

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roderic Ai Camp
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Trade Agreement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Institutional Revolutionary Party ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
Independent Decision

Mexico’s democratic transition provides a revealing case study of a semi-authoritarian political model evolving incrementally into an electoral democracy over two decades. One of the special features of that transition was its slow progress compared to its peers in Latin America, especially given its proximity to the United States, the most influential democracy in the last half of the 20th century. The first attempt to introduce fair, competitive elections occurred under the leadership of Miguel de la Madrid in 1983, but he reversed direction when he was opposed by leading politicians from his own party. His successor, Carlos Salinas (1988–1994), chose to pursue economic liberalization, opening up Mexico to greater competition globally, and negotiating an agreement with Canada and the United States (North American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA), while maintaining an authoritarian presidency. During this era, proactive actors that fomented significant political change came from numerous sources. The following were particularly noteworthy in explaining Mexico’s shift to a democratic model: dissident elites who pushed for democracy inside the dominant Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI); dissident elites who left PRI to form the most successful opposition parties in the 20th century, including the founding of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) in 1989; social and civic movements originating from government incompetence in addressing the results of the 1985 earthquake in Mexico City, the widespread fraud during the 1988 presidential election, and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation uprising in 1994; the altered composition of political leadership from the establishment and the opposition characterized by stronger backgrounds in local, elective offices, party leadership, and nonpolitical careers; new electoral laws reinforcing independent decision-making regarding electoral practices and outcomes in the 1990s; and the introduction of new political actors supportive of democratic change, such as the Catholic Church.

Hegemonic Nationalism, Subordinate Marxism: The Mexican Left, 1945–7

2017 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM A. BOOTH
Keyword(s):  
Extreme Case ◽  
Round Table ◽  
The United States ◽  
Progressive Politics ◽  
Partido Revolucionario Institucional ◽  
Institutional Revolutionary Party ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
Mexican Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
National Bourgeoisie

AbstractThe most significant weakness of the Marxist Left in early Cold War Mexico was that it subordinated itself to post-revolutionary nationalism. Both the Mexican Communist Party and followers of Vicente Lombardo Toledano supported the ruling Partido Revolucionario Institucional (Institutional Revolutionary Party, PRI), avoiding significant criticism before late 1947. Some dissident currents of Marxism did exist, but they were sparsely followed. Mexico provides an extreme case of Left subordination to popular-nationalist ideology, yet is indicative of trends visible elsewhere, e.g. among Marxist groups in post-war Cuba and the United States. Rather than promoting notions of communist political practice, the Mexican Marxist Left consistently advocated the elimination of class conflict and support for the ‘national bourgeoisie’. The Marxist Left held the Mexican government to different standards from those to which they held the governments of other countries. A near-consensus on the Mexican Left equated patriotism with progressive politics. The argument is illustrated with an important case study: the 1947 Marxist Round Table.

Arrests will not help Mexico's anti-corruption efforts

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Organised Crime ◽  
Medium Term ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Institutional Revolutionary Party ◽  
Revolutionary Party

Subject Corruption scandals. Significance On April 15, Interpol captured the fugitive former governor of Veracruz, Javier Duarte (2010-16), in Guatemala. He had fled Mexico in October, accused of having embezzled over 45 billion pesos (2.4 billion dollars). His arrest followed that of former Tamaulipas Governor Tomas Yarrington (1999-2005) in Italy on April 9. He had been at large for five years, wanted in both the United States and Mexico for corruption and organised crime. Both were members of Mexico's ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Impacts Recent arrests will do little to advance the wider fight against corruption because underlying drivers remain intact. There is no evidence to suggest that others suspected of corruption will be brought to justice in the short-to-medium term. Key elements of the new SNA will be delayed by partisan struggles in Congress.

Overeducation and the Earnings of Black, Hispanic, and White Male Workers

1988 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard R. Verdugo ◽  
Naomi Turner Verdugo
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Puerto Ricans ◽  
White Male ◽  
The United States ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Male Workers ◽  
White Minority

This study addresses two issues: (1) the impact of overeducation on the earnings of male workers in the United States, and (2) white-minority earnings differences among males. Given that educational attainment levels are increasing among workers, there is some suspicion that earnings returns to education are not as great as might be expected. This topic is examined by including an overeducation variable in an earnings function. Regarding the second issue addressed in this article, little is actually known about white-minority differences because the bulk of such research compares whites and blacks. By including selected Hispanic groups in this analysis (Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans, and Other Hispanics) we are able to assess white-minority earnings differences to a greater degree. Using data from a 5% sample of the 1980 census to estimate an earnings function, we find that overeducated workers earn less than either undereducated or adequately educated workers. Second, we find that there are substantial earnings differences between whites and minorities, and, also, between the five minority groups examined.

scholarly journals 1414. #Vaccine Twitter Influencers: is it Just About Reach and Followers?

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. S714-S715
Author(s):  
Jean-Etienne Poirrier ◽  
Theodore Caputi ◽  
John Ayers ◽  
Mark Dredze ◽  
Sara Poston ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Media ◽  
Standard Deviation ◽  
Small Proportion ◽  
The United States ◽  
Research Support ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Media Messages ◽  
Social Media Platforms ◽  
The Impact

Abstract Background A small number of powerful users (“influencers”) dominates conversations on social media platforms: less than 1% of Twitter accounts have at least 3,000 followers and even fewer have hundreds of thousands or millions of followers. Beyond simple metrics (number of tweets, retweets...) little is known about these “influencers”, particularly in relation to their role in shaping online narratives about vaccines. Our goal was to describe influential Twitter accounts that are driving conversations about vaccines and present new metrics of influence. Methods Using publicly-available data from Twitter, we selected posts from 1-Jan-2016 to 31-Dec-2018 and extracted the top 5% of accounts tweeting about vaccines with the most followers. Using automated classifiers, we determined the location of these accounts, and grouped them into those that primarily tweet pro- versus anti-vaccine content. We further characterized the demographics of these influencer accounts. Results From 25,381 vaccine-related tweets available in our sample representing 10,607 users, 530 accounts represented the top 5% by number of followers. These accounts had on average 1,608,637 followers (standard deviation=5,063,421) and 340,390 median followers. Among the accounts for which sentiment was successfully estimated by the classifier, 10.4% (n=55) posted anti-vaccine content and 33.6% (n=178) posted pro-vaccine content. Of the 55 anti-vaccine accounts, 50% (n=18) of the accounts for which location was successfully determined were from the United States. Of the 178 pro-vaccine accounts, 42.5% (n=54) were from the United States. Conclusion This study showed that only a small proportion of Twitter accounts (A) post about vaccines and (B) have a high follower count and post anti-vaccine content. Further analysis of these users may help researchers and policy makers better understand how to amplify the impact of pro-vaccine social media messages. Disclosures Jean-Etienne Poirrier, PhD, MBA, The GSK group of companies (Employee, Shareholder) Theodore Caputi, PhD, Good Analytics Inc. (Consultant) John Ayers, PhD, GSK (Grant/Research Support) Mark Dredze, PhD, Bloomberg LP (Consultant)Good Analytics (Consultant) Sara Poston, PharmD, The GlaxoSmithKline group of companies (Employee, Shareholder) Cosmina Hogea, PhD, GlaxoSmithKline (Employee, Shareholder)

Good Neighbor in the American Historical Imagination: Mexican American Intellectual Thought in the Fight for Civil Rights, 1930s–1940s

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Mendoza
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
Mexican Americans ◽  
Mexican American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
Historical Imagination ◽  
American Intellectual ◽  
Good Neighbor

Abstract This article argues that historical narrative has held a significant role in Mexican American identity formation and civil rights activism by examining the way Mexican Americans in the 1930s and 1940s used history to claim full citizenship status in Texas. In particular, it centers on how George I. Sánchez (1906–1972), a scholar of Latin American education, revised historical narrative by weaving history and foreign policy together through a pragmatic lens. To educators and federal officials, Sánchez used this revisionist history to advocate for Mexican Americans, insisting that the Good Neighbor policy presented the United States with the chance to translate into reality the democratic ideals long professed in the American historical imagination. The example of Sánchez also prompts us to reexamine the historiography in our present day: How do we define the tradition and trajectory of Mexican American intellectual thought in U.S. history? This article posits that when Sánchez and other Mexican Americans thought about their community’s collective identity and civil rights issues through history, they were contributing to a longer conversation driven by questions about identity formation and equality that first emerged at the end of the U.S. War with Mexico in 1848. These questions remain salient in the present, indicating the need for a historiographic examination that will change how we imagine the tradition of intellectual thought in the United States.

Do Americans Like to Punish?

Metamorphosis ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Ferguson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Criminal Justice ◽  
Criminal Justice System ◽  
Justice System ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Values ◽  
The People ◽  
American Prison

This chapter addresses the question of whether Americans like to punish. The United States clearly punishes more heavily and for longer periods than other countries, with comparable social and political values. One can land in an American prison for life over minor offenses—a punishment not used for serious offenses in Western Europe. The leading comparativist on criminology, James Whitman, argues that a politics of dignity has instilled mercy and mildness in European systems, while leveling impulses, distrust of authority, and too much power in the people is said to have left the United States with a criminal justice system long in degradation and short on mercy.

scholarly journals LOS PUEBLOS INDÍGENAS Y LOS DESAFÍOS DEL DERECHO EN CONTEXTOS NEOLIBERALES: Entre el uso estratégico, el despojo y la criminalización

2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Teresa Sierra ◽  
Orlando Aragón
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
Old Regime ◽  
Partido Revolucionario Institucional ◽  
Institutional Revolutionary Party ◽  
Great Hope ◽  
Democratic Practices ◽  
Electoral Defeat ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
Social Sectors

El año 2000 supuso un momento de una gran esperanza para amplios sectores sociales de México. La derrota electoral que sufrió ese año el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), que gobernó al país durante más de setenta años, parecía augurar nuevos aires al anquilosado Estado mexicano, una supuesta apertura para la construcción de relaciones más igualitarias con sectores sociales históricamente marginados, en especial con los indígenas, y en general lo que algunos grupos veían como el florecimiento, por fin, de una cultura cívica arraigada en prácticas democráticas y en el multipartidismo.Esta expectativa, sin embargo, pronto se desvaneció; no sólo no se produjeron los cambios esperados, sino que se profundizaron y sofisticaron las prácticas anti-democráticas del viejo régimen; así como la marginación y exclusión económica a causa de la radicalización de las políticas neoliberales que comenzaron con los últimos gobiernos del PRI. En el caso de los pueblos indígenas las acotadas reformas constitucionales del 2001, que les reconocieron derechos de libredeterminaciòn y autonomía, pronto mostraron sus límites al acompañarse de reglamentaciones que redujeron los alcances de los derechos reconocidos y que se acompañaron de políticas dirigidas a fomentar la privatización de las tierras indígenas y a facilitar la incursión del capital transnacional en zonas con recursos naturales atractivos a la demanda del capitalismo mundial.---INDIGENOUS PEOPLES AND THE CHALLENGES OF THE LAW IN NEOLIBERAL CONTEXT: Between strategic use, dispossession and criminalization.The year 2000 marked a time of great hope for many social sectors in Mexico. The electoral defeat, that happened this year, of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), which ruled the country for over seventy years, seemed to herald new life to the stagnant Mexican state, an alleged opening to the construction of more egalitarian relationships with historically marginalized social sectors, especially with the Indians, and in general, with what some groups saw as the flourishment of a civic culture rooted in democratic practices and in a multiparty system.These expectations soon faded, however; not only did it not produce the expected changes but it sophisticated and deepened anti-democratic practices of the old regime; as well as helped economic exclusion and marginalization because of the radicalization of neoliberal policies that began with the previous PRI governments. For indigenous peoples the bounded constitutional reforms of 2001, which recognized their rights of free self determination and autonomy, soon showed its limits accompanied by regulations that reduced the scope of rights granted and which were accompanied by policies to promote privatization of indigenous lands and to facilitate the incursion of transnational capital in areas with attractive natural resources to the demand of world capitalism.keywords: indigenous people, neoliberalism, violence.

The Value of Postponing Pregnancy: California’s Paid Family Leave and the Timing of Pregnancies

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 1467-1499 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirlee Lichtman-Sadot
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Parental Leave ◽  
The United States ◽  
Family Status ◽  
Hispanic Origin ◽  
Monetary Benefit ◽  
Education Levels ◽  
Lower Education ◽  
Paid Parental Leave ◽  
Shed Light

Abstract Conditioning a monetary benefit on individuals’ family status can create distortions, even in individuals’ seemingly personal decisions, such as the birth of a child. Birth timing and its response to various policies has been studied by economists in several papers. However, pregnancy timing – i.e. the timing of conception – and its response to policy announcements has not been examined. This paper makes use of a 21-month lag between announcing California’s introduction of the first paid parental leave program in the United States and its scheduled implementation to evaluate whether women timed their pregnancies in order to be eligible for the expected benefit. Using natality data, documenting all births in the United States, a difference-in-differences approach compares California births to births in states outside of California before the program’s introduction and in 2004, the year California introduced paid parental leave. The results show that the distribution of California births in 2004 significantly shifted from the first half of the year to the second half of the year, immediately after the program’s implementation. While the effect is present for all population segments of new mothers, it is largest for disadvantaged mothers – with lower education levels, of Hispanic origin, younger, and not married. These results shed light on the population segments most affected by the introduction of paid parental leave and on the equitable nature of paid parental leave policies.

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