scholarly journals The Significance of the Bernardine Fund in the Study of Historiographical Narratives on Kmicic’s Armia Krajowa Brigade

Knygotyra ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 96-122
Author(s):  
Tomaš Božerocki
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Storage Medium ◽  
World War ◽  
Central State ◽  
Armed Resistance ◽  
State Archives ◽  
Heads Of State ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
The Military

During World War II, in 1939–1944, there was a Polish armed resistance movement in Eastern Lithuania, which was called Armia Krajowa (Home Army) in the abstract. In researching the activities of Armia Krajowa (AK) in Eastern Lithuania, not only historiography is valuable, but also surviving documents and memoirs, as well as the Bernardine Fund preserved in the Lithuanian Central State Archives. So far, this Fund does not seem to receive much attention from scientists researching the activities of AK in Lithuania, as well as archives compiled by Poles residing in other countries. Based on the concept of storage medium, the article analyzes the case of the Bernardine Fund in the context of archival research of the Polish diaspora. During the analysis of the documents kept in the Bernardine Fund, it was observed that the said Fund held significant documents that could supplement / replace the existing narrative about Kmicic’s AK partisan brigade. Kmicic’s AK partisan brigade is noteworthy, as it is the first armed AK unit to launch a consistent armed resistance, but so far there are no separate studies dedicated to the activities of this brigade. The storage medium is the basis of memory communication that gives authenticity to the constructed memory narrative. The Bernardine Fund is a storage medium that originated in the past and reached the present unchanged / slightly changed, and that contains a certain memory narrative about AK. The Bernardine Fund and the documents contained in it are valuable storage media that can help reveal the situation of the residents of Eastern Lithuania during World War II and shed new light on the military activities of AK. In the context of research and preservation of the written heritage of the Polish diaspora, this medium has not yet received the attention of scientists, although the example of the Kmicic’s AK brigade proved that this Fund contains documents that reveal hitherto unknown aspects of AK activities. A fact turns into an event only when certain groups draw their attention to it, when they give meaning to it and start talking and writing about it, and it begins to be remembered. All significant events are just someone’s creations, created just to justify the present in a way that is convenient for the collective, the political elite, or the heads of state. The case of Kmicic’s brigade has proven that no fact is completely lost. If a fact is not currently updated and used, it does not mean that it will be the case all the time. The documents kept in the Fund reflect that during the formation of the historiographical narrative, the collective memory of the said brigade, part of the events was deliberately omitted in order to give integrity to the narrative being formed.

MAJOR MILESTONES OF BELARUSIAN COLLABORATION DEVELOPMENT DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR

2020 ◽  
pp. 59-67
Author(s):  
ALEXEY IPATOV
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Third Reich ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
World War ◽  
Special Services ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
Red Army ◽  
The Third Reich ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military

The article is devoted to the study of the phenomenon of Belarusian collaboration during the World War II and the fight against it during the operation «Bagration» to liberate the territory of the Belarusian SSR. The main attention is paid to the activities of its individual representatives and a number of organizations that attempted to cooperate with Nazi Germany for «liberation» from the «Soviet yoke». It emphasizes the interest of the military and political elite of the Third Reich in cooperation with such organizations and the desire to fully control their activities. The author comes to the conclusion that thanks to the actions of Red Army, a significant part of the Belarusian collaborators was eliminated. The remaining supporters of «independence» after the end of World War II often continued their anti-Soviet activities during the cold war, actively cooperating with the special services of Western countries.

scholarly journals Documentary On-Line Exhibitions of the Central State Archives of Ukraine as a Way to Commemorate the Great Patriotic War of 1941–45

2021 ◽  
pp. 118-129
Author(s):  
Efim I. Pivovar ◽  
◽  
Elena A. Kosovan ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Structure Design ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
World War ◽  
Central State ◽  
Political Policy ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
On Line ◽  
State Archives ◽  
The Impact

The article deals with virtual exhibition activities of the central state archival institutions of Ukraine associated with the anniversary of the Great Patriotic War of 1941–45. The authors acknowledge that archives are an important institute of memory for Ukraine, and therefore they attempt to assess the impact of the official Ukrainian historical and political policy on the exhibition activities in the central state archives, using on-line exhibitions dedicated to the anniversary of the Victory of 1945 as an example. The Great Patriotic War is one of the most contradictory elements of the Ukrainian national historical narrative and one of the most conflictogenic elements in the Ukrainian historical policy (in the so called “wars of memory”), hence the choice of the topic. The authors have studied the webpages of the archives’ official sites, their structure, design, and content. They focused on the digests of on-line exhibitions, i.e. texts located on the home page of the archive, which reveal theme, concept, purpose, and objectives of the exhibition. The authors have tried to identify the patterns in using the concepts of the 1941–45 events, assuming that vocabulary and definitions contain most important information on the influence of the official historical and political policy on the work of archival institutions. The authors have also studied the thematic design of on-line exhibitions, in particular, the military symbols used in web design. The research has showed that the concept of the Great Patriotic War was persistently changed to the concept of World War II in all five exhibitions, although some sections of the exhibitions featured both. The article notes that design of at least two exhibitions used the European symbol for victory over Nazism: red poppy instead of red carnation and St. George’s ribbon usually used in the USSR. Use of the poppy image and substitution of concept of the Great Patriotic War with non-synonymous concept of the World War II is a shining example of the influence of Ukrainian state historical and political policy on the work of archives. The researchers argue that it is impossible to deny the significant influence of the controversial official Ukrainian historical and political narrative on the nature of the expositions. However, in general, the exhibitions are characterised by moderate political engagement, demonstrating a certain scientific independence of the Ukrainian state archives.

scholarly journals Prosvetna politika Kraljevine Albanije na Kosovu i Metohiji tokom Drugog svetskog rata

2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-132
Author(s):  
Igor Vukadinović
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Educational Policy ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
World War ◽  
Central State ◽  
Fascist Regime ◽  
State Archives ◽  
Two Sides

Kingdom of Albania’s fascist regime considered education as one of the pillars of its policy in Kosovo and Metohija during World War II. With the aim of spreading and strengthening Albanian national identity and culture, several hundreds of educators were sent from the “Old Albania” to Kosovo and Metohija. The Italian occupation authorities were not supportive of the educational policy pursued by the officials in Tirana, which often resulted in disagreement between the two sides. After liberating the province in 1944, the Communist Party of Yugoslavia decided to keep the teachers and educators who misused their positions to serve the Greater Albania cause, as there was no available staff to replace them. The paper is based primarily on the unpublished sources from the Central State Archives of Albania in Tirana, the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Belgrade, the Archives of Serbia, and the Archives of Yugoslavia.

scholarly journals The Role of the Military-Political Elite of Egypt in the Struggle for National Independence in the Post-World War II Period (1945-1952)

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 72-88
Author(s):  
I. E. Ibragimov
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberation Movement ◽  
The Military ◽  
Further Development

The article analyzes the role of the Egyptian military-political elite on the eve of the Revolution of 1952, when the military came to power, led by Gamal Abdel Nasser. The study of the history and activities of the organization «Free Officers» is hardly possible without considering the evolution of the national-patriotic and political movements in the Egyptian army. During the second quarter of the 20 th century the Egyptian society experienced fairly turbulent and eventful political process that influenced the further development of the country. At present the study of role of army in liberation movement in the Middle East is extremely urgent since military structures have become the base of the state system of many Arabic countries. The army has sufficiently influenced to the political development of the states. In connection with the recent transformations in the Middle East, that witnessed crises of political systems and statehood, the consideration of military elites, their coming to power and impact on a political system is important for the study of the general issues of the Middle East.The author considers the factors which influenced the evolutionary transformation of the Egyptian military before and after the World War II, as well as the social origins of the officer corps. Moreover, the object of the study includes the entire period of the national liberation movement of the Egyptian people, when almost all segments of Egyptian society were involved in this struggle. An important aspect of this trend is that, in the run-up to the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, the officers and the military elite became a more prepared and organized than other groups and was able to quickly and almost bloodlessly take power into their own hands.The article notes that it is impossible to solve urgent social problems and overcome economic backwardness without centralized strong leadership. While forming the Egyptian statehood and the Kingdom of Egypt, there were three centers of power – Wafd party led by Saad Zaghloul, the king and his supporters, as well as Great Britain, which retained control over Egypt. Given the absence of one center of power in the country, as well as the weakness and dependence of the existing ones, opposition movements with different views on the development of Egypt were created. The society of «Muslim Brotherhood» was one of them, eventually discrediting itself during its further development. «Free Officers» were able to establish themselves as a secret society, which ideologically did not belong to any political camp. Coherence, hierarchy and army solidarity became effective advantages in their struggle for power.

scholarly journals „В името на Кирил и Методий“. Кирило-методиевската идея и социалистическата пропаганда

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Десислава [Desislava] Найденова [Naĭdenova]
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War ◽  
Central State ◽  
Bulgarian Academy ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Before And After ◽  
State Archives ◽  
Academy Of Sciences

“In the name of Cyril and Methodius”: The Cyrillo-Methodian idea and the socialist propagandaThe paper aims to describe and analyze the dynamics of transformation undergone by the symbolism of the Cyrillo-Methodian oeuvre in the socialist propaganda in Bulgaria. The work and lives of the two saints represent the different national paradigms and state priorities before and after 1944. In the years from 1878 to 1944, St. Cyril and Methodius became a symbol of Bulgarian national identity. They were used in political propaganda to justify the Bulgarian territorial claims in the Balkans in an attempt to achieve the national ideal. On the contrary, after the socialist propaganda during the years of World War II, the Cyrillo-Methodian work became a symbol of Slavic unity and solidarity with the Soviet Union. The idea of Cyril and Methodius as a symbol of internationalism and fraternal unity of the Slavic peoples was developed by socialist propaganda in the years after 1944 and has in fact dominated the scientific interpretations of their work from that time on.The paper is based on unpublished communist addresses from the feast of St. Cyril and Methodius in 1942 and 1943 and other documents from the Central State Archives in Sofia and the Scientific Archives of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. „W imię Cyryla i Metodego”. Idea cyrylometodejska i propaganda socjalistyczna Celem artykułu są opis i analiza dynamiki transformacji symboliki misji cyrylometodejskiego w propagandzie socjalistycznej w Bułgarii. Dzieło i życie śś. Cyryla i Metodego wpisują się w różne paradygmaty narodowe i priorytety państwowe przed i po roku 1944. W okresie od 1878 do 1944 roku stali się oni symbolem bułgarskiej tożsamości narodowej. Ich figury są używane w propagandzie politycznej, aby uzasadnić bułgarskie pretensje terytorialne na Bałkanach w dążeniu do osiągniecia narodowego ideału. Natomiast w wyniku propagandy socjalistycznej w czasie II wojny światowej dzieło Braci Sołuńskich staje się symbolem Słowiańszczyzny i solidarności ze Związkiem Radzieckim. Idea cyrylometodejska jako symbol internacjonalizmu i braterskiej jedności z narodami słowiańskimi zostaje rozwinięta w propagandzie socjalistycznej po 1944 roku. Dominuje ona też w interpretacjach naukowych z tego okresu.Artykuł powstał w oparciu o niepublikowane przemowy komunistyczne z okazji święta śś. Cyryla i Metodego w roku 1942 i 1943 oraz inne dokumenty z Centralnego Archiwum Państwowego w Sofii i Archiwum Naukowego Bułgarskiej Akademii Nauk.

Cinema's Military Industrial Complex

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Mobile Technologies ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Physical And Mental Health ◽  
World War ◽  
Film Exhibition ◽  
Record Keeping ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
The Military

Cinema’s Military Industrial Complex examines how the American military has used cinema and related visual, sonic, and mobile technologies to further its varied aims. The essays in this book address the way cinema was put to work for purposes of training, orientation, record keeping, internal and external communication, propaganda, research and development, tactical analysis, surveillance, physical and mental health, recreation, and morale. The contributors examine the technologies and types of films that were produced and used in collaboration among the military, film industry, and technology manufacturers. The essays also explore the goals of the American state, which deployed the military and its unique modes of filmmaking, film exhibition, and film viewing to various ends. Together, the essays reveal the military’s deep investment in cinema, which began around World War I, expanded during World War II, continued during the Cold War (including wars in Korea and Vietnam), and still continues in the ongoing War on Terror.

scholarly journals Re-evaluating DSM-I

2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Cooper ◽  
R. K. Blashfield
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
International Classification Of Diseases ◽  
World War ◽  
Statistical Manual ◽  
Dsm 5 ◽  
Mental Diseases ◽  
Classification Of Diseases ◽  
The Military

The DSM-I is currently viewed as a psychoanalytic classification, and therefore unimportant. There are four reasons to challenge the belief that DSM-I was a psychoanalytic system. First, psychoanalysts were a minority on the committee that created DSM-I. Second, psychoanalysts of the time did not use DSM-I. Third, DSM-I was as infused with Kraepelinian concepts as it was with psychoanalytic concepts. Fourth, contemporary writers who commented on DSM-I did not perceive it as psychoanalytic. The first edition of the DSM arose from a blending of concepts from the Statistical Manual for the Use of Hospitals of Mental Diseases, the military psychiatric classifications developed during World War II, and the International Classification of Diseases (6th edition). As a consensual, clinically oriented classification, DSM-I was popular, leading to 20 printings and international recognition. From the perspective inherent in this paper, the continuities between classifications from the first half of the 20th century and the systems developed in the second half (e.g. DSM-III to DSM-5) become more visible.

Black Soldiers in World War II America

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert F. Jefferson
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Military Training ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Establishment ◽  
Black Soldiers ◽  
American Military ◽  
The Military ◽  
American Racism

The history of the African American military experience in World War II tends to revolve around two central questions: How did World War II and American racism shape the black experience in the American military? And how did black GIs reshape the parameters of their wartime experiences? From the mid-1920s through the Great Depression years of the 1930s, military planners evaluated the performance of black soldiers in World War I while trying to ascertain their presence in future wars. However, quite often their discussions about African American servicemen in the military establishment were deeply moored in the traditions, customs, and practices of American racism, racist stereotypes, and innuendo. Simultaneously, African American leaders and their allies waged a relentless battle to secure the future presence of the uniformed men and women who would serve in the nation’s military. Through their exercise of voting rights, threats of protest demonstration, litigation, and White House lobbying from 1939 through 1942, civil rights advocates and their affiliates managed to obtain some minor concessions from the military establishment. But the military’s stubborn adherence to a policy barring black and white soldiers from serving in the same units continued through the rest of the war. Between 1943 and 1945, black GIs faced white officer hostility, civilian antagonism, and military police brutality while undergoing military training throughout the country. Similarly, African American servicewomen faced systemic racism and sexism in the military during the period. Throughout various stages of the American war effort, black civil rights groups, the press, and their allies mounted the opening salvoes in the battle to protect and defend the wellbeing of black soldiers in uniform. While serving on the battlefields of World War II, fighting African American GIs became foot soldiers in the wider struggles against tyranny abroad. After returning home in 1945, black World War II-era activists such as Daisy Lampkin and Ruby Hurley, and ex-servicemen and women, laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.

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