scholarly journals The Lithuanian American Cultural Press in English (1950-1990) in the Aspect of the Dissemination of the Lithuanian Identity

Knygotyra ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 188-208
Author(s):  
Jolanta Budriūnienė
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Factor ◽  
Early Period ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cultural Practice ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Usa

The article examines the publication of the cultural press in English by the Lithuanian community in the United States (1950-1990), focusing on the analysis of the need for such a press and its intended addressee. The article is based on the analysis of the content of the mentioned publishing production, works dedicated to the history of the Lithuanian diaspora of this period. By reviewing the research of the Lithuanian press in the USA in the 2nd half of the 20th century, it has to be noticed that this field of research has not yet sufficiently exhausted, although the general research of the Lithuanian diaspora is really abundant. However, they mainly focus on the historical, sociological, literary, linguistic description of the problems of the diaspora and migration. Research on publishing of the Lithuanian diaspora in the Lithuanian language in the early period (end of the 19th century – first half of the 20th century) has been carried out and published in the scientific works of Ass. Prof. Dr. Bronius Raguotis, Prof. Dr. Remigijus Misiūnas. At the end of World War II, the tendencies of the press of other languages of Lithuanians, who chose a forced exile, in the conditions of DP (DP – displaced people) were also presented by Prof. Dr. R. Misiūnas. A detailed analysis of the Lithuanian cultural press published in the German DP camps was presented in the monograph by Prof. Dr. Dalia Kuizinienė. Meanwhile, the press of other languages of Lithuanian communities in both the United States and other foreign countries had not yet reached the attention of researchers. In the presented study, Pierre Bourdieu, a theorist of literary sociology, uses the insights of literature as an important social factor covering all elements of cultural practice and allows for a systematic interpretation of their interrelationships; the approaches of the communication strategy of the Lithuanian American cultural press in English are analyzed. The article presents the main content of the cultural press and the social and cultural environment that formed the background of its creation, as well as the efforts of the creators of the cultural press and the ideological attitudes of the intellectuals and ideological leaders of the community that determined them. The article concludes that the main addressee of this press – members of the US communities, while the main focus of the content is the representation of symbols of the Lithuanian national identity.

scholarly journals Transformations of the US European Policy in the 2nd Half of the 20th Century

2019 ◽  
pp. 9-19
Author(s):  
Marharyta Lymar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
European Integration ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Interest ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Post War ◽  
Eastern European Countries

The article deals with the European aspects of the US foreign policy in the 2nd half of the 20th century. It also includes studies of the transatlantic relations of the described period and the exploration of an American influence on European integration processes. It is determined that the United States has demonstrated itself as a partner of the Western governments in the post-war reconstruction and further creation of an area of US security and prosperity. At the same time, it is noted that the American presidents have differently shaped their administrations’ policies towards Europe. The greatest supporter of the European integration processes was President Eisenhower. Among other things, the US President believed that Europe would become a key ally of the United States, thus, he considered the union of Sweden, Greece, Spain and Yugoslavia as a solid foundation for building a “United States of Europe”. After Eisenhower administration, European affairs, to a lesser extent, were taken up by such Presidents as Johnson, Carter, Reagan and Clinton. Showing no personal interest, Kennedy, Nixon and Bush-Sr. were forced to support the transatlantic dialogue, understanding the inevitability of European integration and the need for the United States to cooperate with the new consolidated actor. The United States aimed to strengthen its position in the European space, moving to that purpose by using NATO mechanisms and applying the policies of American protectionism against the communist threat. The main competitor of the United States for strengthening national positions in Europe was France led by General de Gaulle, who believed that the affairs of Europe should be resolved by European governments without the American intervention. However, NATO continued to serve as a springboard for the U.S. involvement in European affairs. At the end of the 20th century, through the close links between the EU and NATO, the USA received new allies from Central and Eastern European countries. It is concluded that after the end of World War II, Europe needed an assistance that the United States willingly provided in exchange for the ability to participate in European issues, solving and partly controlling the integration processes. The study found that, despite the varying degree of the American interest in transatlantic affairs, Europe has consistently been remaining a zone of national interest for the United States.

scholarly journals European Direct Investment in Brazil, 1860 to the Present

2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sérgio de Oliveira Birchal ◽  
Âmara Fuccio de Fraga e Silva
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
World Economy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Geographical Proximity ◽  
Japanese Firms ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Western European

European direct investment in Brazil dates back to the discovery of the country and has been since then either hegemonic or more important than a superficial observation can grasp, as this work aims at showing. During the 20th century, the United States has replaced Britain as the worlds economic superpower and the largest direct investor. US dominance in the world economy and geographical proximity to Brazil would suggest that US investments were by far the largest in the country during that century. Furthermore, as Japan had become the second largest economy in the world in the 1980s, we would expect that this would be reflected in the data of the largest multinationals in Brazil. However, as our investigation suggests, Western European direct investment has been as large (and in many occasions even larger) as that of the USA and Japanese firms have never had a prominent presence among the largest firms in Brazil, at least until the late 1990s.

scholarly journals THE ROLE OF AMERICAN AND SOVIET WOMEN REPORTERS IN COVERING WORLD WAR II: SPECIFICS OF COVERAGE OF MILITARY ISSUES IN 20th CENTURY JOURNALISM

World Science ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (11(51)) ◽  
pp. 37-40
Author(s):  
Tsitsino Bukia ◽  
Nana Parinos
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
Women Journalists ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
Soviet Space ◽  
Absolutely Closed

A war correspondent has no border, no gender, no religion or race. The only thing a war reporter has - the skills of delivering truth, reflection of the reality in the way it is.The soviet space was absolutely closed to journalism and combat women journalists’ involvement in wars. The field almost consisted of males. Consequently, it seems impossible to analyze and compare the technique of writing of American and SovietWomen. If America freely accepts women for being actively involved in covering war activities, the Soviets obviously refused to do so.The role of a war correspondent is much bigger than one can suppose. Being a war reporter is more than implementing their responsibilities. It goes deeper into the history. A professional combat reporter is a historian facing the history and keeping it for the next generation.The paper considers advantages and disadvantages of being a female combat correspondent in the Soviet space and the United States of America.The role of American and Soviet women reporters in covering WWII.

Child Migrants in 20th-Century America

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivón Padilla-Rodríguez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
San Francisco ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
The United States ◽  
Refugee Children ◽  
Ellis Island ◽  
European Child

Child migration has garnered widespread media coverage in the 21st century, becoming a central topic of national political discourse and immigration policymaking. Contemporary surges of child migrants are part of a much longer history of migration to the United States. In the first half of the 20th century, millions of European and Asian child migrants passed through immigration inspection stations in the New York harbor and San Francisco Bay. Even though some accompanied and unaccompanied European child migrants experienced detention at Ellis Island, most were processed and admitted into the United States fairly quickly in the early 20th century. Few of the European child migrants were deported from Ellis Island. Predominantly accompanied Chinese and Japanese child migrants, however, like Latin American and Caribbean migrants in recent years, were more frequently subjected to family separation, abuse, detention, and deportation at Angel Island. Once inside the United States, both European and Asian children struggled to overcome poverty, labor exploitation, educational inequity, the attitudes of hostile officials, and public health problems. After World War II, Korean refugee “orphans” came to the United States under the Refugee Relief Act of 1953 and the Immigration and Nationality Act. European, Cuban, and Indochinese refugee children were admitted into the United States through a series of ad hoc programs and temporary legislation until the 1980 Refugee Act created a permanent mechanism for the admission of refugee and unaccompanied children. Exclusionary immigration laws, the hardening of US international boundaries, and the United States preference for refugees who fled Communist regimes made unlawful entry the only option for thousands of accompanied and unaccompanied Mexican, Central American, and Haitian children in the second half of the 20th century. Black and brown migrant and asylum-seeking children were forced to endure educational deprivation, labor trafficking, mandatory detention, deportation, and deadly abuse by US authorities and employers at US borders and inside the country.

scholarly journals German Question in the Foreign Policy Strategy of the USA in the Second Half of the 1940s – 1980s

2020 ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Dmytro Lakishyk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Marshall Plan ◽  
German Question ◽  
The Usa

The article examines US policy towards West Germany after World War II, covering a historical span from the second half of the 1940s to the 1980s. It was US policy in Europe, and in West Germany in particular, that determined the dynamics and nature of US-German relations that arose on a long-term basis after the formation of Germany in September 1949. One of the peculiarities of US-German relations was the fact that both partners found themselves embroiled in a rapidly escalating international situation after 1945. The Cold War, which broke out after the seemingly inviolable Potsdam Accords, forced the United States and Germany to be on one side of the conflict. Despite the fact that both states were yesterday’s opponents and came out of the war with completely different, at that time, incomparable, statuses. A characteristic feature of US policy on the German question in the postwar years was its controversial evolution. The American leadership had neither a conceptual plan for development, nor a clear idea of Germany’s place in the world, nor an idea of how to plan the country’s future. However, the deterioration of relations between the USA and the USSR and the birth of the two blocs forced the US government to resort to economic revival (the Marshall Plan) and military-political consolidation of Western Europe and Germany (NATO creation). US policy toward Germany has been at the heart of its wider European policy. The United States favored a strong and united Western Europe over American hegemony, trying to prevent the spread of Soviet influence. Joint participation in the suppression of communism, however, could not prevent the periodic exacerbation of relations between the United States and Germany, and at the same time did not lead to an unconditional follow-up of the West Germans in the fairway of American foreign policy.

scholarly journals United States involvement in Vietnam from 1950 to 1959

2016 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 74-81
Author(s):  
Phuong Vu Thu Nguyen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
World War ◽  
Direct Involvement ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Vietnam War

The end of World War II led to fundamental changes in the international situation, posing problems for the victor nations which had to abandon the colonial system outdated and inconsistent with objectives. However, giving up interests in the colonies seemed hardly possible for the capitalist powers. France plotted to return to Vietnam to restore colonial rule. The USA went from having no interest in the return of France to backing France, and finally exerting deep intervention and direct involvement in the Vietnam War. This paper gives an outline of the United States involvement in Vietnam from 1950 to 1959.

scholarly journals Antimonopoly in American Politics, 1945–2000

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Scroop
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
American Politics ◽  
National Level ◽  
Consumer Welfare ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Late 20Th Century

Antimonopoly, meaning opposition to the exclusive or near-exclusive control of an industry or business by one or a very few businesses, played a relatively muted role in the history of the post-1945 era, certainly compared to some earlier periods in American history. However, the subject of antimonopoly is important because it sheds light on changing attitudes toward concentrated power, corporations, and the federal government in the United States after World War II. Paradoxically, as antimonopoly declined as a grass-roots force in American politics, the technical, expert-driven field of antitrust enjoyed a golden age. From the 1940s to the 1960s, antitrust operated on principles that were broadly in line with those that inspired its creation in the late 19th and early 20th century, acknowledging the special contribution small-business owners made to US democratic culture. In these years, antimonopoly remained sufficiently potent as a political force to sustain the careers of national-level politicians such as congressmen Wright Patman and Estes Kefauver and to inform the opinions of Supreme Court justices such as Hugo Black and William O. Douglas. Antimonopoly and consumer politics overlapped in this period. From the mid-1960s onward, Ralph Nader repeatedly tapped antimonopoly ideas in his writings and consumer activism, skillfully exploiting popular anxieties about concentrated economic power. At the same time, as part of the United States’ rise to global hegemony, officials in the federal government’s Antitrust Division exported antitrust overseas, building it into the political, economic, and legal architecture of the postwar world. Beginning in the 1940s, conservative lawyers and economists launched a counterattack against the conception of antitrust elaborated in the progressive era. By making consumer welfare—understood in terms of low prices and market efficiency—the determining factor in antitrust cases, they made a major intellectual and political contribution to the rightward thrust of US politics in the 1970s and 1980s. Robert Bork’s The Antitrust Paradox, published in 1978, popularized and signaled the ascendency of this new approach. In the 1980s and 1990s antimonopoly drifted to the margin of political debate. Fear of big government now loomed larger in US politics than the specter of monopoly or of corporate domination. In the late 20th century, Americans, more often than not, directed their antipathy toward concentrated power in its public, rather than its private, forms. This fundamental shift in the political landscape accounts in large part for the overall decline of antimonopoly—a venerable American political tradition—in the period 1945 to 2000.

Red Summer and Early 20th-Century Race Massacres

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann V. Collins
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Violence ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
Racial Groups ◽  
Early 19Th Century

Between the turbulent months of April and October 1919, racial violence reached a peak in the United States. Some twenty-six white-on-black massacres took place across the country. Author and civil rights activist James Weldon Johnson dubbed this terrible period the Red Summer as a way to characterize pervasive racial hostility and for the blood spilled in its wake. Yet, racial violence has had a long and painful history in the United States. From the moment enslaved Africans arrived in the New World, whites strove cruelly and systematically to maintain power and control over their bodies and labor. Indeed, many interactions between ostensible racial groups have centered on white hostility. A type of brutality that proved especially vicious took the shape of white-on-black race massacres. First appearing in the early 19th century and fading by the end of World War II, whites used these types of disturbances to deny African Americans progress and freedom. Destruction of black communities, massive bloodshed, and lynchings characterized these occurrences. The early 20th century, and particularly the Red Summer, marked a critical moment in the history of race relations of the United States—one that proved deadly to African Americans.

‘Cruel to be kind?’ Professionalization, politics and the image of the abstinent psychoanalyst, c. 1940–80

2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 88-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich Koch
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Clinical Utility ◽  
Frankfurt School ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Implications ◽  
Social Character ◽  
The Usa ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S

This article investigates the changing justifications of one of the hallmarks of orthodox psychoanalytic practice, the neutral and abstinent stance of the psychoanalyst, during the middle decades of the 20th century. To call attention to the shifting rationales behind a supposedly cold, detached style of treatment still today associated with psychoanalysis, explanations of the clinical utility of neutrality and abstinence by ‘classical’ psychoanalysts in the United States are contrasted with how intellectuals and cultural critics understood the significance of psychoanalytic abstinence. As early as the 1930s, members of the Frankfurt School discussed the cultural and social implications of psychoanalytic practices. Only in the 1960s and 1970s, however, did psychoanalytic abstinence become a topic within broader intellectual debates about American social character and the burgeoning ‘therapy culture’ in the USA. The shift from professional and epistemological concerns to cultural and political ones is indicative of the changing appreciation of psychoanalysis as a clinical discipline: for psychoanalysts as well as cultural critics, I argue, changing social mores and the professional decline of psychoanalysis infused the image of the abstinent psychoanalyst with nostalgic longing, making it a symbol of resistance against a culture seen to be in decline.

scholarly journals G.I. BILL OF RIGHTS: IMPACT ON THE IMAGE OF THE VETERAN IN COLLECTIVE CONSCIOUSNESS

2021 ◽  
pp. 14-17
Author(s):  
M. Bazaieva
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
The United States ◽  
Educational Programs ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
World War ◽  
World War Ii Veterans ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government

The article explores the incipience of veterans' policies in the United States of America during 1940-1956. This period is notable in veterans' history. This is caused not only by social realities after World War II but by the implementation of brand-new fundamental principles in process of forming veterans' policies. These principles opened a new page in interactions between the government and the veteran community. The article analyzes drafting the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944, commonly known as the G.I. Bill of Rights, as well as public discussions around it initiated by President Roosevelt's Administration. One of the main actors of the process was American Legion, influential conservative veterans' organization. The law presented by Legion was passed by Congress. The Act took effect on June 22, 1944, and lasted until 1956. G.I. Bill of Rights guaranteed numerous benefits for veterans in variable spheres of social policies, including medical care, education, housing and business loans, unemployment compensations. The most significant effect had educational programs of G.I. Bill. About 8 million American veterans, including women and African Americans, exercised their right to attend schools, colleges, and universities. Educational programs had great implications both for the veterans' population and social affairs, especially the educational system in the United States. Higher education became more widespread and democratic after the implementation of the G.I. Bill. World War II veterans had the opportunity to realize their potential in different fields, in particular in the political area. G.I. Bill of Rights had a great impact on forming the image of the veteran in the USA. The Act demonstrated the new role of veterans' policies in the context of government activities. Besides, thanks to the educational programs of the G.I. Bill veteran community became a proactive social group that played an important role in the US policy-making in the second half of the 20th century.

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