scholarly journals F. M. Dostoevsky in the Biased Opinions of the Feuilletonist and Critic V. P. Burenin

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 107-135
Author(s):  
Anastasia Proshchenko

The influence of the critic V. P. Burenin on the public life of the 1860s — 1880s is great: his popularity was comparable to that of V. G. Belinsky in the 1840s. According to B. B. Glinsky, everyone has secretly read Burenin's feuilletons, even those who despised the newspaper Novoe Vremya (New Time) and personally hated its critical columnist for the sharpness and rudeness of his polemical style. The article examines the evolution of the critic's views of F. M. Dostoevsky’s work and his role in Russian journalism and literature. In the initial period of his activity, V. P. Burenin tended to adhere to common moods and assessments, and scolded Dostoevsky. Gradually, he realized the scale of Dostoevsky's writing gift. Already a famous and influential author of the Novoe Vremya (New Time), V. P. Burenin became a great admirer, friend and defender of the writer. He was one of the few critics who appreciated the Writer's Diary. After Dostoevsky's death, Burenin maintained good communication with the writer's widow. Their correspondence makes it clear that A. G. Dostoevskaya considered Burenin her colleague in preserving the legacy of her late husband. The letters contain previously unknown information, namely, that the correspondence of the Novoe Vremya (New Time) about the fire in Staraya Russa were penned by A. G. Dostoevskaya herself, as well as some other information about Dostoevsky and the fate of his legacy.

Author(s):  
_______ Naveen ◽  
_____ Priti

The Right to Information Act 2005 was passed by the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) Government with a sense of pride. It flaunted the Act as a milestone in India’s democratic journey. It is five years since the RTI was passed; the performance on the implementation frontis far from perfect. Consequently, the impact on the attitude, mindset and behaviour patterns of the public authorities and the people is not as it was expected to be. Most of the people are still not aware of their newly acquired power. Among those who are aware, a major chunk either does not know how to wield it or lacks the guts and gumption to invoke the RTI. A little more stimulation by the Government, NGOs and other enlightened and empowered citizens can augment the benefits of this Act manifold. RTI will help not only in mitigating corruption in public life but also in alleviating poverty- the two monstrous maladies of India.


Author(s):  
Thomas Cartelli
Keyword(s):  

This chapter examines the commentative words and silences of the citizenry in Richard III, noting that although silence was customarily expected from commoners in the presence of the elite, it could also signify, in both Shakespeare’s version of Richard’s reign and Thomas More’s, the inscrutable resistance of a dissident citizenry. In London, citizen debate and discussion, informed and intelligent, comprised an important forum of Elizabethan public life; and in Shakespeare’s play, citizen non-compliance with the manipulative fabrications of Richard and Buckingham disrupts the performance/reception dynamic to undercut the bonding of the theatre’s citizen audience with the hitherto charismatic Richard. Though their speaking silence betokens the proud heritage of citizen resistance to royal and aristocratic presumption and contempt, Richard and Buckingham obtusely misread this as obtuseness, revealing themselves to be held in a kind of self-hypnosis by the public transcript, memorably subverted by Shakespeare.


Author(s):  
Mitch Kachun

The Conclusion ties together the book’s main arguments about Crispus Attucks’s place in American history and memory. We do not know enough about his experiences, associations, or motives before or during the Boston Massacre to conclude with certainty that Attucks should be considered a hero and patriot. But his presence in that mob on March 5, 1770, embodies the diversity of colonial America and the active participation of workers and people of color in the public life of the Revolutionary era. The strong likelihood that Attucks was a former slave who claimed his own freedom and carved out a life for himself in the colonial Atlantic world adds to his story’s historical significance. The lived realities of Crispus Attucks and the many other men and women like him must be a part of Americans’ understanding of the nation’s founding generations.


Author(s):  
Philippe Desan
Keyword(s):  

Montaigne’s public life extends over more than thirty years—from 1556 to 1588. His first career was as a member of the parlement from 1554 to 1570, one that reflected the desire of his father, Pierre Eyquem. After leaving his post of councilor in the parlement of Bordeaux, he displayed his diplomatic ambitions, which were not rewarded. In 1581, Montaigne was appointed mayor of Bordeaux for two years; he was reelected to this position in 1583. After his term of office ended, for a time he played the role of negotiator between Henry III and the leader of the Protestant party, Henry of Navarre. Imprisoned in 1588, he abandoned all political ambitions and ended his public life before retiring to his château. The public life of Montaigne allows us to consider the Essays as an attempt at political reappropriation in the aftermath of the Saint Bartholomew’s Day massacre.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Bandana Sen ◽  
Aloke Kar

The present study provides a snapshot of the level of degradation of economic and living conditions of middle-class households of Kolkata and its neighbourhood during ‘lockdown’. It is based on an on-line survey of households of students of five purposively-selected colleges carried out during the second half of May 2020. The survey reveals that inflow of regular normal income had ceased altogether for over 40% of the sample households. About 15% of the households suffered from outright job loss or complete denial or withholding of wages and salaries payments of their members in paid employment and another about 27% reported complete closure of small businesses run by them. The normal-times income had altogether ceased for over a half of the households of the lowest income group. Predictably, the worst hit group was the wage labourers. Over four-fifths households with their prime earning member in wage employment reported job and earnings related problems, with over a fourth reporting job losses. Households with self-employed prime earners too were severely affected, with about three-fourths of them reporting such problems. Even the households with regular-salaried prime earners were badly hit. About a half of them reported job and earnings related problems. The results suggest that food grains distribution through the Public Distribution System (PDS) played a decisive role in averting an imminent famine-like situation. About 60% of the sample households were found to have procured food stuff from the PDS. Among the wage-labourers’ households, well over 80% reported dependence on the PDS, with ostensibly a large proportion of them receiving food altogether free. Despite free food grains distribution, about 5% of the sample households could not arrange three meals a day for all its members.


2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Calhoun

In this article I ask (1) whether the ways in which the early bourgeois public sphere was structured—precisely by exclusion—are instructive for considering its later development, (2) how a consideration of the social foundations of public life calls into question abstract formulations of it as an escape from social determination into a realm of discursive reason, (3) to what extent “counterpublics” may offer useful accommodations to failures of larger public spheres without necessarily becoming completely attractive alternatives, and (4) to what extent considering the organization of the public sphere as a field might prove helpful in analyzing differentiated publics, rather than thinking of them simply as parallel but each based on discrete conditions. These considerations are informed by an account of the way that the public sphere developed as a concrete ideal and an object of struggle in late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Britain.


2008 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-4 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Attwood ◽  
D. Chakrabarty ◽  
C. Lomnitz
Keyword(s):  

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