scholarly journals Leon Wasilewski at the Treaty of Riga Negotiations: to the Centenary of the Peace of Riga (1921)

Author(s):  
Iuliia Vialova ◽  

The article is dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the signing of the Treaty of Riga (1921), discussions about the significance of which do not stop today. What significance did this treaty have for the history of Europe, and especially for its political architecture of the interwar period? What were the consequences of this agreement for Poles, Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians? Estimated of the agreement signed a hundred years ago still differ – some believe that the document then established the borders of Poland almost within the Second Partition of Poland (1793) was the defeat of the then Polish elite, others – that it was an expression of the real state of affairs. This article focuses on the course of Polish-Soviet negotiations during the signing of the treaty, the struggle within the Polish delegation between supports of two state geopolitical concepts (National Democracy “incorporative” and “federal” J. Pilsudski) and establishment of the Eastern border of the Polish state. The well-known Polish diplomat and politician Leon Wasilewski played one of the key roles during these negotiations, and the study of his activities will help to clarify several controversial points during the negotiations. The Treaty of Riga (1921) put an end to the Polish-Bolshevik war, defined the Polish border in the East and the same time cancelled the Petliura-Pilsudski Agreement, which testified to the defeat of the federalist program of J. Pilsudski. Further, the Polish government’s policy towards national minorities later proved to be almost discriminatory, weakening the Polish state from within. For Ukraine and Belarus, this agreement proved to be a national catastrophe, depriving them of the prospects of statehood. This peace can be called a “situational compromise”, which in the short term solved the problem of ending the war, but did not solve any of the geopolitical problems of Poland: neither guaranteed security nor guaranteed the stability of Poland’s Eastern border. The violation of this peace by Soviet Russia was a matter of time, as it happened in 1939

Teisė ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 67 ◽  
pp. 105-125
Author(s):  
Eduard Mažul

Straipsnyje aptariama diskriminacijos ir pozityvios diskriminacijos teisinė samprata, taip pat analizuo­jama socialinė pozityvios diskriminacijos prigimtis. Remiantis teisės, kaip subjektinių teisių ir pareigų vienovės, samprata, į tautinių mažumų apsaugą bandoma žvelgti kaip į pozityvios diskriminacijos pa­vyzdį. Straipsnyje taip pat trumpai aptariama tautinių mažumų įtaka Europos istorijai bei apžvelgiama tautinių mažumų apsaugos raida. Be to, analizuojamos svarbiausios teorinės problemos, susijusios su tautinių mažumų apsauga, taip pat šios apsaugos tikslai ir ribos. Article discusses the legal conception of discrimination and positive discrimination along with the social nature of positive discrimination. Referring to the conception of law that describes the law as a unity of individual rights and duties, protection of national minorities is analyzed as an example of positive discrimination. Article also briefly reviews the influence of national minorities on the history of Europe and reviews the evolution of protection of national minorities. The main theoretic problems concerning protection of minorities along with the aims and extent of this protection are revealed too.


Author(s):  
Natalia V. Ryabinina

The article deals with the features of the internal life of orphanages in Soviet Russia in the period of 1917 - late 1920s. Attention is focused on the negative aspects associated with violations of children and teachers. The reasons for this practice, ways to fight crime and their effectiveness are analyzed. In this context, the inconsistencies between theoretical positions and the real state of affairs are traced, as well as changes that occurred both in theory and in practical work during the period under study.


2020 ◽  
pp. 51-58
Author(s):  
MIKHAIL WEBER

We publish a new source on the history of the Russian Civil war - letters from a member of the Ural regional Soviet, Ivan Yakovlevich Tuntul, to the Chairman of the Ural regional Soviet, Alexander Georgievich Beloborodov. The published ego-documents shed light on the real state of affairs in Cherdynsky uezd in December 1918.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 294-323
Author(s):  
G. L. Sobolev ◽  
◽  
M. V. Khodjakov ◽  

The authors focus on the assessment and characterization of the mortality rate of the civilian population, which waged a heroic struggle for survival. The number of victims in besieged Leningrad, as cited by researchers in published works, was “regulated” by the Communist Party leadership for several decades. The situation changed at the turn of the 1980s — 1990s, when historians gained access to previously secret documents. This article poses a problem that Leningrad doctors drew attention to in late autumn 1941. Their proposals for the treatment of alimentary dystrophy, the main affliction of civilians in the blocked city, were not immediately appreciated by Leningrad’s leaders at that time. The presence of various data on the mortality rate of the population during the blockade is understandable: these data were collected at different times by various organizations and individuals, based on far from complete data. The authors emphasize that it is impossible to assess the decline in the city’s population solely using y the number of ration cards in circulation. This approach, for a number of reasons, distorts b the real state of affairs. The city’s statistical department, the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs, and the registry offices, which were under its jurisdiction, had their own estimates of the number of civilian victims. Today there is no consensus regarding the completeness of information on the scale of burials in city cemeteries during the blockade winter of 1941/42. The article concludes that there is a need for a wider introduction of previously unknown archival materials into circulation to help to clarify the number of victims of the Blockade of Leningrad, which, according to the authors, reached 750 thousand.


2013 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-105
Author(s):  
Bartłomiej Garczyk

Abstract This article presents a multinational and multireligious character of St. Petersburg since the founding of the city to the collapse of the Soviet Union. An ethnic and cultural mosaic was also an important feature in other centers of Russia, including Moscow and Odessa, as well as forming part of the national capital of the Russian Empire in Warsaw, Riga and Tallinn. St. Petersburg is a city but of a symbolic and unique character. It is the subject of literary impressions and creative inspiration for generations of artists. In addition, St. Petersburg - Petrograd - Leningrad was the capital of a multinational and multireligious Russian Empire, Soviet Russia, and since 1918, it was the second most important city of the Soviet Union. The author’s intention is also to present the history of St. Petersburg - Petrograd - Leningrad, as seen through the prism of the history of national minorities living in it.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-150
Author(s):  
Matteo Albertini

The last twenty years has seen an increasing presence of Balkan organized crime groups in security reports and newspapers’ headlines. This does not mean that mafia groups did not exist during Socialist Yugoslavia – even if its collapse and the following war made criminals and smugglers useful for politicians and leaders to maintain their power; it rather means that Balkan organized crime came outside its traditional areas of action in Serbia, Montenegro and Albania: less territorial and nationalist than it was before, it is now gaining prominence in an international scenario, making agreements with Italian and South American mafias – the so-called Holy Alliance – to manage drug routes towards Western Europe. One of the most interesting factors concerning Balkan mafia groups today is their presence in countries which traditionally do not have a history of organized crime, such as the Scandinavian states. One of the reasons lies in the wide percentage of immigrants moving from Balkan countries to Sweden or Norway. Since the wars of the 1990s in the former Yugoslavia, war-crimes fugitives were able to become common criminals in these countries, such as the infamous Želiko Raznjatović (“Arkan”). However, year by year, these gangs grew larger, taking advantage of the “expertise” and the resources gained during the war. In particular, the most spectacular case – the Våstberga helicopter robbery in 2009 – showed how these groups operate with military-style precision, utilize a wide number of participants, and have at their disposal laerge amounts of weapons and money. This paper will draw on the importance of Scandinavian – Balkan mafia relations in relation to three main criminal areas: drug and weapon smuggling and human trafficking, in order to underline the role of diasporas in enforcing organized crime groups and the extent to which these mafias could be a threat for the stability in both Eastern and Western Europe.


2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-150
Author(s):  
Andrzej Nowak

The article presents the main geopolitical concepts of Polish foreign politics and military strategy between 1918 and 1921. The author discusses two general programmes of policy towards Poland’s neighbours to the East: the ‘federalist’ option associated with Józef Piłsudski, and the ‘incorporationist’ option of Roman Dmowski. The analysis is concentrated around the efforts to realize the former programme. Starting from a detailed analysis of Piłsudski’s instructions to the Polish delegation to the Paris Peace Conference at the end of 1918, through a special mission of Michał Römer sent to Lithuania in April 1919, and reasons of its failure, the author turns to a history of the ‘Ukrainian card’, played by Piłsudski in 1919 and 1920 in order to achieve a geopolitical counter-balance to any Russian/Soviet imperialism. Finally, the article deals with the meaning of the Piłsudski’s eastern policy as one of the main factors which stopped the westward drive of Soviet Russia for the next 20 years.


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