scholarly journals “The Sacrificed Army” – the Hungarian 2nd Army Between Memory and History

Author(s):  
Ákos Fóris ◽  

The fate of the Hungarian 2nd Army has a significant role in the Hungarian memory. The army was sent to the Eastern Front in 1942 suffered one of the great defeats of the Hungarian military history during the Soviet counter-offensive in January 1943. During the past almost 80 years, different narratives have emerged about it were evolved in the Hungarian public. In the paper the author shall analyse the most significant elements of these narratives. Firstly, there will be examined the genesis and underlying causes of the decision to send the 2nd Army to the Eastern front. The author counter a popular post-war myth that the Hungarian leadership sent out the Hungarian soldiers and labour servicemen with the intention of sacrifice that it could limit Hungary's involvement in the German war effort. Although the Hungarian military leadership discriminated against various social groups (primarily of individuals of Jewish descent, non-Hungarian nationalities) in military service, they did not aim to destroy them. Similarly, the higher proportion of reserve officers and lower social classes (peasantry, workpeople) in the army was misinterpreted. In the second part of the paper the author will examine the interpretations of the defeat in January 1943. As a part of this topic there will be shown how the public opinion and survivors overstated the loss data and the temperature conditions of “the Russian winter.” In addition, the author scrutinize the fighting and withdrawal in January 1943 from the viewpoint of the military discipline. Finally, he analyse the interpretations of two orders. The army commander, Colonel General Jány wrote in his order on 24 January that “the 2nd Army has lost its honour.” Although later he withdrew this order, it became the symbol of the barbarity and betrayal of the Hungarian military elite against the Hungarian soldiers. It received a different opinion on the order of the commander of the III Corps of 1 February 1943, in which Major General Stomm disbanded his formation - which was unprecedented in Hungarian history

1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. Jones

The period between 1945 and 1970 was critical for the public reputation of British science. It was also a golden age for British cinema. Feature films of this period are used in this paper as a tool for investigating the public image of the scientist. Three main stereotypes are identified, but one of these, which I have called `the Boffin' forms the main focus of the paper. `Boffins' are scientists working with the government and/or armed forces in wartime. An analysis of the portrayal of Barnes Wallis in The Dam Busters provides the main characteristics of the stereotype, and fictional Boffins from other films are compared with this. The origins of the stereotype are traced to the actual situation of scientists in the British war effort, and to class and cultural divisions in post-war Britain. The persistence of the stereotype is also discussed. The implications of this analysis for our understanding of public attitudes to scientists during this period are considered.


2007 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 645-667 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES RENTON

ABSTRACTDuring the last two years of the Great War the British government undertook a global propaganda campaign to generate support for the military advance into the Near East, British post-war domination of the region, and the war effort in general. The objective was to transform how the West and the peoples of the Ottoman empire perceived the Orient, its future, and the British empire. To fit with the international demand that the war should be fought for the cause of national self-determination, the Orient was re-defined as the Middle East: a region of oppressed nations that required liberation and tutelage by Britain and the entente. Great Britain was portrayed as the pre-eminent champion of the principle of nationality, which was behind its move into the Middle East. It is argued in this article that these narratives constituted a significant change in Western representations of the Orient and the British empire.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 225-232
Author(s):  
Ildikó SZERÉNYI ◽  

In Hungary, the mandatory military service existed for almost 300 years (1715-2004), and therefore affected the life of a significant number of families. This study gives a review of the digitization project of the military registers of the National Archives of Hungary (NAH). The history of the military register collection dates back to the 1960s, when the original archival records were collected from the county archives and were microfilmed in the microfilm laboratory of the NAH in Budapest. Although the collection is outstanding for family and scientific researchers as well, this unique source type remained almost unknown to researchers for decades. After the digitization of microfilm rolls, the digital images became available online and received a warm welcome from the public.


2021 ◽  
Vol 100 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-198
Author(s):  
Matthew Dziennik

In 1745–6, thousands of troops were raised in the Highlands and Islands in support of the house of Hanover. Often neglected due to the intense focus on Highland Jacobitism, these Gaels were instrumental in the defeat of the Jacobites. The study of pro-Hanoverian forces in the Gàidhealtachd tells us much not only about the military history of the 1745 rebellion but also about the nature of the whig regime in Scotland. In contrast to the ideological frameworks increasingly used to make sense of the Jacobite period, this article argues that pragmatic negotiations between the central government and the whig clans helped mobilise and empower regional responses to the rebellion. Exploiting the government's need for Gaelic allies in late 1745, Highland leaders, officers, and enlisted men used military service to shore up a nexus of political, financial and security imperatives. By examining the recruitment and service of anti-Jacobite Gaels, this article shows that—even in the epicentre of the rebellion—the Hanoverian state possessed important structural strengths that enabled it to confront the threat of armed insurrection. In so doing, the article reveals the political and fiscal-military networks that sustained whig control in Scotland.


2019 ◽  
pp. 73-114
Author(s):  
Philipp Nielsen

This chapter deals primarily with the experience of German Jewish conservatives and nationalists in the military during the First World War. It looks at Jewish soldiers as active participants in the German military, rather than as objects of the military’s actions. It focuses on frontline soldiers and the particular and peculiar position of military rabbis on the German Eastern Front. It proposes that the war, not least in the East, held great promise for German Jews. The chapter’s main argument is that, particularly in the East, Jewish Soldiers viewed themselves as active participants and contributors to the war until the very end. It thus adds to the growing focus on the way German Jews shaped the German war effort, notwithstanding the increasing antisemitism they experienced.


2021 ◽  
pp. 370-388
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Guglielmo

The conclusion traces the ways that racist boundaries waxed and waned in the final stages of World War II military service and addresses the larger impact that these boundaries had on American troops, the American military, and the nation. In the end, black-white lines, if blurred some, still defined many troops’ last days in uniform. White-nonwhite lines also appeared here and there, but still lacked the same institutionalization, reach, and force. And this broader complex of lines fundamentally shaped postwar America in numerous, complicated, and too often forgotten ways. They politicized a varied and substantial group of veterans, who returned home prepared and determined to democratize the military and the nation. But the cost of these lines was enormous. They impeded America’s war effort, undermined the nation’s Four Freedoms rhetoric, traumatized, even killed, an unknowable number of nonwhite troops, further naturalized the very concept of race, deepened many whites’ investments in white supremacy, especially anti-black racism, and further fractured the American people and their politics.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 135-153
Author(s):  
Ljubo Štampar

In the Republic of Slovenia, the military is an organization that, like elsewhere in the European Union (EU), belongs to the public sector. The military service is a part of the public service sector and treated with a single collective agreement for the public sector. Despite certain theses (Janowitz 1977, Moskos 1986, Callaghan and Kernic 2003, Garb 2008) about the growing similarity of the military profession with professions in the public sector or other civilian occupations, work in the military is unique because of the specific role of the military in society. However, the military profession has sufficient similarities with other public sector professions in peacetime circumstances, so that soldiers should be granted the right to bargain the economic conditions of their employment. Through the process of collective bargaining, either within the public sector or individually, they could ensure compensation for the restrictions and requirements contained in the work of soldiers. The most important European institutions, in terms of safety and protection of the rights in the European region, are following the trend of changes in the security environment, new tasks of the military organization, the changed nature of the military profession in the postmodern era, and defend the concept of the “citizen in uniform”. Through resolutions, recommendations and memorandums, they are following the trend of increasing demands for the equalization of the rights of soldiers with the rights of other citizens. In particular, the right of unions to organize and the right for the possibilities to negotiate conditions of employment are emphasized. In the EU, there are two approaches regarding the possibility of bargaining on the economic conditions of employment for soldiers. Both provide the possibility of obtaining a special allowance for soldiers serving the country.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (77) ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
Iveta Golta

The article, based on the theoretical and practical analysis of military discipline infringement proceedings the military, identified the shortcomings of the legal framework in Latvia, when the rules allows an interested party in the investigation commission and does not exclude a conflict of interest situation that poses a significant soldier breaches disciplinary context. To prevent them, it is necessary to supplement the Military Service Act of 15. the first subparagraph of Article 5 of the Rules of Procedure and the Military Service Regulations, to establish the ban on the soldier from the performance of the activities related to the office of illegally using his official position or conflict of interest, and amendment of the National guard soldiers and military discipline of the Rules of Procedure 83. point and to specify that, if the performer of the investigation is, directly or indirectly, interested in the outcome of the internal investigation, or there are other circumstances which prevent the internal investigation, he is obliged to submit a report to the commander (superior officer).


1989 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 262-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Townshend

If liberal England died strangely, no moment in its passing was more bizarre than the close encounter it experienced between the army and a political system from which the military had been banished since the seventeenth century. Habitually all but invisible at home, confining its exploits to lands without the law, and maintaining a political silence equal—though in easier circumstances—to that of the neighboring grande muette, the British army moved to the center of the public stage. It obtained a popular following. This was not merely the result of Britain's involvement in world war. Manifestations of popular militarism, albeit sporadic or marginal, were evident in the later nineteenth century. The second Boer War accelerated a shift in social attitudes. Hostility to “pro-Boers,” if not beginning to resemble the hysteria of 1914, adumbrated the response of a shaken community temporarily recovering cohesion through warlike solidarity. Most public energy was expended in mafficking, but vocal groups continued to campaign for national efficiency and universal military service. The scout movement was the precipitant of a considerable mass sentiment, solidarized by suspicion of Germany and giving back a faint but clear echo of the leagues formed to support the expansion of the German army and navy.Yet if a novel enthusiasm was eroding traditional aversion to the army, it was scarcely capable of creating a public tolerance for its involvement in domestic affairs. Unlike the navy, whose nature more or less precluded its domestic employment, the army was a suspect weapon. The cultivation of nonpolitical professionalism represented in part a functional response to such public suspicion. Modern major generals would not think of doing what their Cromwellian predecessors had done.


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