scholarly journals Rekonstruksi Teori Komunikasi Politik Dalam Membangun Persepsi Publik

Author(s):  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus ◽  
Ida Susilowati

Abstract:Presidential elections are part of the democratic party event. However, the presidential elections in 2014 and 2019 were unique elections and took a lot of public attention. In addition to only being followed by two candidates, they also formed two big camps of supporters who shared high fanatics with each candidate. In this study, the extent to which political communication theory was built by the two candidates was examined, so as to convince potential voters. In various ways carried out to attract public sympathy for the feasibility of each candidate to become the leader of the country. Some people provide positive perceptions by giving appreciation, but others provide negative perceptions and consider their acts of political communication to be limited to mere imaging. Therefore, this study wants to answer these problems.Keywords: Political Communication, Public Perception, Presidential Election Abstrak:Pemilihan umum presiden merupakan bagian dari ajang pesta demokrasi. Akan tetapi pemilihan umum presiden di tahun 2014 dan 2019 merupakan ajang pemilu yang unik dan menyita banyak perhatian publik. Selain hanya diikuti oleh dua kandidat, juga membentuk dua kubu besar pendukung yang sama-sama memiliki fanatik yang tinggi kepada masing-masing kandidat. Dalam penelitian ini, dikaji sejauhmana teori komunikasi politik dibangun oleh kedua kandidat, sehingga dapat meyakinkan calon pemilihnya. Dengan berbagai cara dilakukan guna menarik simpati publik akan kelayakan masing-masing kandidat untuk menjadi pemimpin negeri. Sebagian masyarakat memberikan persepsi positif dengan memberikan apresiasi, akan tetapi sebagian lain memberikan persepsi negatif dan menganggap tindakan komunikasi politiknya hanya sebatas pencitraan belaka. Oleh karena itu, penelitian ini ingin menjawab permasalahan tersebut.Kata Kunci: Komunikasi Politik, Persepsi public, Pemilu Presiden

2021 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Jacob Weaver

In 2016, the Republican-held Senate refused to hold a hearing on President Barack Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, sparking outrage among the Democratic Party. Then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell justified his party’s actions based on what became known as the “McConnell Rule.” This controversial rule holds that during years of presidential elections, when the president and the Senate majority are of different parties, the Senate is not expected to confirm the president’s Supreme Court nominees; but, when the president and Senate majority are of the same party, vacancies may be filled. When the Senate applied this rule in 2020, the stakes were even higher. Revered liberal stalwart Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg passed away only 46 days before the 2020 presidential election. Invoking the McConnell Rule, the Republican-held Senate moved forward with the confirmation of President Trump’s nominee Amy Coney Barrett. This contentious move again infuriated Democrats, and the presidential campaign. Now that Justice Barrett has been appointed and the presidential election has passed, it is useful to look back on the history of Supreme Court nominations during presidential election years. Such a review suggests that the so-called McConnell Rule is rooted in valid historical precedent. In fact, viewed in light of American history, even a Trump lame duck nomination and confirmation would have been valid. This blog post argues that the Senate should distill this historical precedent into an explicit Rule of the Senate that will govern the chamber going forward. The rule should obligate the Senate to either (1) hold a vote to confirm the election-year or lame duck nominee, or (2) hold a vote to postpone action on the nomination. If a vote to postpone action on the nomination fails, the rule should then compel the Senate to hold a vote to confirm the nominee. Such a rule removes all doubt about the Senate’s authority to act or refuse to act on election-year and lame duck nominees, exposes unfounded threats of retaliation by minority parties, and best conforms to the Constitution.


Author(s):  
Antonio Sandu ◽  

We draw attention on the enrichment of the Romanian research literature with the doctoral thesis entitled “The Myth of the Savior in the communication strategies in the presidential election campaigns in post-December Romania”, elaborated by Ariana-Loreta Guga under the coordination of Prof. PhD. Sandu Frunză and defended in 2020 in order to obtain the title of PhD in Political Sciences at "Babeș-Bolyai" University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania. The author pursues a transdisciplinary approach, that has, as a central point, the field of political communication, which is approached by referencing theories and tools in the area of political and administrative sciences, sociology, management but also in the field of applied ethics.


1986 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 1291-1304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harvey J. Tucker ◽  
Arnold Vedlitz ◽  
James DeNardo

There is conventional political wisdom that high voter turnout in a U.S. presidential election advantages the majority party. Because the Democratic party has been the dominant party in recent decades, this turnout advantage is often believed to accrue to Democratic presidential candidates. In an article in the June 1980 issue of the Review, James DeNardo challenged this conventional view. Indeed, he claimed that the majority party was likely to suffer with increased turnout when the behavior of core and peripheral voters is taken into account. Harvey J. Tucker and Arnold Vedlitz take issue with DeNardo's reasoning and evidence, and DeNardo embellishes and underscores his original case.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (04) ◽  
pp. 635-639 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas A. Hibbs

According to the Bread and Peace Model postwar, American presidential elections should be interpreted as a sequence of referendums on the incumbent party's record during its four-year mandate period. In fact postwar aggregate votes for president are well explained by just two objectively measured fundamental determinants: (1) weighted-average growth of per capita real disposable personal income over the term, and (2) cumulative US military fatalities due to unprovoked, hostile deployments of American armed forces in foreign wars. No other outside variable systematically affects postwar aggregate votes for president.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (03) ◽  
pp. 1840006
Author(s):  
JAE MOOK LEE ◽  
YOUNGDEUK PARK ◽  
GI DONG KIM

This study examines the moderating effects of social media use on regionalist voting behavior in South Korea. Analyzing the survey data conducted during the 2017 Korean presidential election, we test how social media functions in electoral processes, particularly with respect to region-based voting in the Korean electorate. The findings of this study reveal that social media use affects region-based voting behavior among the Korean electorate by connecting people with different regional backgrounds in online political communication. That is, social media use can create “bridging” social capital rather than “bonding” social capital in society. In this respect, results differ significantly from findings in the 2012 presidential election. In 2012, only the independent effects of social media existed with a liberal bias, without revealing interaction with regional dummies. These independent effects disappeared in 2017, and different kinds of social media were statistically significant only when they functioned as moderating variables for regional dummies. This implies that as the functions of social media in the Korean election process have evolved in more complexity, they now are able to affect progressive as well as conservative voters.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-62
Author(s):  
Julius O. Ihonvbere

One can say with certainty that all the contradictions that had bedeviled previous democratic experiments in Nigeria were present and magnified in the February 27, 1999 election: divided loyalties, manipulation of primordial identities and loyalties, corruption and other election malpractices, lack of political discipline, and limited attention to serious structural questions.Why did Chief Olu Falae lose the election to General Olusegun Obasanjo? Several reasons can be advanced. First, Obasanjo’s People’s Democratic Party (PDP) clearly had more money. Obasanjo was able to donate N 130 million and several cars to his party.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
Mohammad Solihin

ABSTRACTPhotography is one of the media used to introduce the character or self-image of politicians during regional head elections, or presidential elections. Among them are by displaying photos of faces or campaign activities for APK (Campaign Props) billboards, namely billboards or billboards installed on protocol roads that can be seen by the public, pamphlets, mass media, and etc. Visual media in the form of photos has a very big influence on public opinion. Photography has a visual power that is able to construct the authenticity of factual events. The purpose of this study is to find out how the process of making photography a political visual communication medium in Indonesia. The method used is descriptive qualitative with an approach through the literature study method. The results of this study can be concluded that the process of making photography a political medium of visual communication to the public is carried out in several ways, namely by recruiting special photographers themselves, designing them, and distributing them. The effect of the message generated from a photography with a good appearance is the effect of knowledge and effect of information.Keywords:  Photography, Political Media, Visual Communication, Message Effects, Political Communication.  ABSTRAKFotografi merupakan salah satu media yang digunakan untuk mengenalkan karakter atau citra diri politisi saat pemilihan kepala daerah, ataupun pemilihan presiden. Diantaranya dengan memajang foto-foto wajah atau kegiatan kampanye untuk baliho APK (Alat Peraga Kampanye) yakni papan reklame atau billboard yang dipasang di jalan-jalan protokol yang bisa dilihat oleh masyarakat luas, pamflet, media massa, dan sebagainya. Media visual berupa foto sangat besar pengaruhnya mempengaruhi opini publik. Fotografi memiliki kekuatan visual yang mampu mengkonstruksi keotentikan peristiwa faktual. Tujuan dari penelitian ini untuk mengetahui bagaimana proses menjadikan fotografi sebagai media komunikasi visual politik di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan deskriptif kualitatif dengan pendekatan melalui metode studi literatur. Hasil dari penelitian ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa proses menjadikan fotografi sebagai media politik komunikasi visual kepada masyarakat dilakukan dengan beberapa cara, yakni dengan merekrut khusus fotografer sendiri, mendesainnya, dan menyebarkannya. Efek pesan yang ditimbulkan dari sebuah fotografi dengan tampilan yang baik adalah efek pengetahuan dan efek informasi.Kata Kunci: Fotografi, Media Politik, Komunikasi Visual, Efek Pesan, Komunikasi Politik.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-87
Author(s):  
Nina Gorenc

The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them.


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