NEWS AND ANNOUNCEMENTS

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1957 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 569-570

Pergamon Institute, 4-5 Fitzroy Square, London, W.1, a non-profit-making foundation, has recently been formed in New York, and is in course of formation in London, for the purpose of making available to English-speaking scientists, doctors and engineers from all countries that are Members of the United Nations, the results of scientific, technological and medical research and development in the Soviet Union and other countries in the Soviet orbit. Over a hundred scientists of international standing from many countries have given their support and will supervise the affairs of the Institute.

1965 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-502
Author(s):  
Leon Gordenker

International, the flooding stream of words from national governmental representatives in international organizations has been accompanied by only a trickle of scholarly studies. These include the Carnegie Endowment's valuable series of studies of national policies in the UN, most of which are now outdated. The series does not have a volume on the USSR. The most extended and valuable recent attempt to fathom Soviet policy in the United Nations is Alexander Dallin's The Soviet Union at the United Nations (New York 1962). It deals with broader subject matter than the two books discussed here and gives much consideration to Soviet policy in relation to the maintenance of peace and security.


Author(s):  
Martha Minow

Even before it was decided by the U.S. Supreme Court, Brown v. Board of Education had a global profile. Swedish economist Gunnar Myrdal in a work that the Carnegie Corporation commissioned in 1944 in search of an unbiased view of American race relations, supplied a searing indictment of America’s treatment of the “Negro,” and his work, An American Dilemma, became a key citation in the Court’s famous footnote eleven. Initially, President Dwight D. Eisenhower showed no sympathy for the school integration project and expressed suspicion that the United Nations and international economic and social rights activists were betraying socialist or even communist leanings in supporting the brief. But as the United States tried to position itself as a leader in human rights and supporter of the United Nations, the Cold War orientation of President Eisenhower’s Republican administration gave rise to interest in ending official segregation, lynchings, and cross burnings in order to elevate the American image internationally. The Department of Justice consulted with the State Department on the drafting of an amicus brief in Brown that argued that ending racially segregated schools would halt the Soviet critique of racial abuses tolerated by the U.S. system of government and thereby help combat global communism. Ending segregation emerged as part of a strategy to win more influence than the Soviet Union in the “Third World.” African-American civil rights leader and journalist Roger Wilkins later recalled that ending official segregation became urgent as black ambassadors started to visit Washington, D.C., and the United Nations in New York City. Tracking the influence of Brown in other countries is thornier than tracking its influence inside the United States where the topic has motivated a cottage industry in academic scholarship. As this book has considered, the litigation has by now a well-known and complicated relationship to actual racial integration within American schools. Some argue that the case exacerbated tensions and slowed gradual reform that was already under way.


1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 480-498
Author(s):  
Frederick Osborn

On June 14, 1946, the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission met in New York to negotiate a treaty for the international control of atomic energy. The General Assembly of the United Nations, with the affirmative vote of the Soviet Union and the Soviet satellites, had given the Commission instructions to “make specific proposals:(a) for extending between all nations the exchange of basic scientific information for peaceful ends;(b) for control of atomic energy to the extent necessary to ensure its use only for peaceful purposes;(c) for the elimination from national armaments of atomic weapons and of all other major weapons adaptable to mass destruction;(d) for effective safeguards by way of inspection and other means to protect complying states against the hazards of violations and evasions.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 399-413
Author(s):  
Rizal Abdul Kadir

After twenty-two years of negotiations, in Aktau on August 12, 2018, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Iran, Russia, and Turkmenistan signed the Convention on the Legal Status of the Caspian Sea. The preamble of the Convention stipulates, among other things, that the Convention, made up of twenty-four articles, was agreed on by the five states based on principles and norms of the Charter of the United Nations and International Law. The enclosed Caspian Sea is bordered by Iran, Russia, and three states that were established following dissolution of the Soviet Union, namely Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan.


1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 280-289 ◽  

The resumed 30th session of the Economic and Social Council (ESOSOC) was held in New York on December 21 and 22, 1960, under the presidency of Mr. C. W. Schurmann (Netherlands). At the beginning of the 1135th meeting, the President read a note from the Secretary-General concerning the projected working agreement between the United Nations and the International Development Association (IDA), and introduced a draft resolution co-sponsored by Denmark and Japan callingon the President to negotiate with IDA with a view to drafting such an agreement. Mr. Makeev, speaking for the Soviet Union, stated that his government could not favor the draft resolution unless the proposed agreement included a provision recalling the terms of Article 58 of the Charter, relating to the coordination of the activities of the specialized agencies; the President replied that, although he was authorized to negotiate with representatives of IDA, he could not impose conditions. The delegates of China and New Zealand stated that they supported the draft resolution, and added that the essential point was to ensure liaison between the various organs dealing with development. The representative of Afghanistan likewise voiced support, pointing out that the draft resolution in essence merely requested the President to negotiate with representatives of IDA. The draft resolution was adopted without dissenting voice with the understanding that the President would take into account the observations of the members of the Council in the course of the negotiations


1992 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-281
Author(s):  
Robert Siekmann

Especially as a consequence of the termination of the Cold War, the détente in the relations between East en West (Gorbachev's ‘new thinking’ in foreign policy matters) and, finally, the disappearance of the Soviet Union, the number of UN peace-keeping operations substantially increased in recent years. One could even speak of a ‘proliferation’. Until 1988 the number of operations was twelve (seven peace-keeping forces: UNEF ‘I’ and ‘II’, ONUC, UNHCYP, UNSF (West New Guinea), UNDOF AND UNIFIL; and five military observer missions: UNTSO, UNMOGIP, UNOGIL, UNYOM and UNIPOM). Now, three forces and seven observer missions can be added. The forces are MINURSO (West Sahara), UNTAC (Cambodia) and UNPROFOR (Yugoslavia); the observer groups: UNGOMAP (Afghanistan/Pakistan), UNIIMOG (Iran/Iraq), UNAVEM ‘I’ and ‘II’ (Angola), ONUCA (Central America), UNIKOM (Iraq/Kuwait) and ONUSAL (El Salvador). UNTAG (Namibia), which was established in 1978, could not become operational until 1989 as a result of the new political circumstances in the world. So, a total of twenty-three operations have been undertaken, of which almost fifty percent was established in the last five years, whereas the other half was the result of decisions taken by the United Nations in the preceding forty years (UNTSO dates back to 1949). In the meantime, some ‘classic’ operations are being continued (UNTSO, UNMOGIP, UNFICYP, UNDOF, and UNIFIL), whereas some ‘modern’ operations already have been terminated as planned (UNTAG, UNGOMAP, UNIIMOG, UNAVEM ‘I’ and ‘II’, and ONUCA). At the moment (July 1992) eleven operations are in action – the greatest number in the UN history ever.


Author(s):  
Justin Morris

This chapter analyzes the transformational journey that plans for the United Nations undertook from summer 1941 to the San Francisco Conference of 1945 at which the UN Charter was agreed. Prior to the conference, the ‘Big Three’ great powers of the day—the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom—often struggled to establish the common ground on which the UN’s success would depend. However, their debates were only the start of the diplomatic travails which would eventually lead to the establishment of the world organization that we know today. Once gathered at San Francisco, the fifty delegations spent the next two months locked in debate over issues such as the role of international law; the relationship between the General Assembly and Security Council; the permanent members’ veto; and Charter amendment. One of modern history’s most important diplomatic events, its outcome continues to resonate through world politics.


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