scholarly journals Existencial Poetics in the 19th Century Latin America

Author(s):  
Edwin Murillo

Typically, the origin story of Existentialism has depicted Latin America’s contributions as subsequent and tributary to its European counterpart. Nevertheless, a select few critics have approached this history in Hispanic America from a chronologically inclusive perspective, by calling attention to an Existential Poetics in modernismo. This article expands the borders of Existential Poetics to fashion a Latin American literary imaginary. Given the work already done on Rubén Darío and José Martí, both of whom have been studied independently, my analysis will be collective, favoring philopoetic works by Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera, Julián del Casal, José Asunción Silva, and João Cruz e Sousa. The purpose of examining Hispanic-American poets in conjunction with a Brazilian is to accentuate the Pan-American quality of this Existentialism avant la lettre.  As I will discuss, all these poems deal with a crisis of irrelevance and overtly question being in the world, classic motifs of Existentialism. Together, these poems allow for the synchronized inclusion of Latin American voices to the universal history of Existentialism, an approached not explicitly carried out by most philosophical and literary historiographers.

PMLA ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 128 (3) ◽  
pp. 765-777
Author(s):  
Manuel González Prada ◽  
Cathleen Carris ◽  
Thomas Ward

Manuel GonzÁlez prada (1844-1918), like inca garcilaso de la vega, César vallejo, josé marÍa arguedas, and mario vargas llosa, ranks among the top Peruvian literary figures, but only in Peru, where his work is hotly debated by literati, social scientists, historians, politicians, and journalists. Outside Peru he rates no more than the inclusion in anthologies of one of his poems; his most famous essay, “Nuestros indios” (“Our Indians”); or the occasional critical article on his work. However, with the Cuban José Martí (1853-95), González Prada is a founder of Latin American modernism, a movement that critics generally accept as running roughly from the publication of Rubén Darío's Azul, in 1888, to Darío's death, in 1916. Gordon Brotherston notes that Darío coined the term modernismo the same year he published Azul (vii). There are many reasons there has been less interest in González Prada than in Martí and other modernists. To begin with, Darío, in an 1888 visit to Peru, met with Ricardo Palma but not González Prada (Castro). Palma, writing in a more traditional style—even though he invented a genre, tradiciones—was the establishment's literary darling, while González Prada, always the innovator in style and an agitator in subject matter, remained largely unknown outside his native land. Thus, it made perfect sense that the maker of literary movements would visit the internationally known Palma but not González Prada, who could not add to his fame and expanding literary networks. Furthermore, when Darío later went to New York he turned his epistolary relationship with Martí into a personal friendship (Henríquez Ureña 93). In the United States there is much more interest in Martí, who lived here, than in González Prada, who did not. Hispanic modernism is typically understood to include the like-minded people whom Darío knew personally, such as Martí, Julián del Casal (Cuba), Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera (Mexico), Ricardo Jaimes Freyre (Bolivia), and Juan Ramón Jiménez (Spain), and to exclude those whom he did not, such as Adela Zamudio (Bolivia) and González Prada. Finally, González Prada's anarchism, his feminism, and his tell-it-like-it-is essays did not endear him to many people.


Author(s):  
Dorde Cuvardic García

Enrique Gómez Carrillo y Rubén Darío se erigen como los principales representantes de la flanerie en el modernismo latinoamericano. En todo caso, otros autores de este periodo estético realizaron contribuciones ocasionales a esta práctica cultural: Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera, Amado Nervo, Julián del Casal, José Martí, José Enrique Rodó, Arturo Ambrogi... Estos últimos escritores elaboran textos de la flanerie clásica: apreciación del espacio callejero como teatro social, utilización de la técnica descriptiva de la escena o cuadro, interés por los espacios comerciales o las festividades públicas? En todo caso, también nos enfrentamos a disidencias ideológicas, Así, Julián del Casal, como decadentista, asume una actitud desengañada y aristocrática frente al espacio público y su utilitarismo capitalista. Por su parte, algunas crónicas urbanas de Martí materializan la dialéctica entre la seducción que provoca el progreso norteamericano y el repudio de sus valores, opuestos al 'alma' latina


Author(s):  
Ángel Ruiz Pérez ◽  

Study of myths and motifs of classical antiquity in the poetry of some important Cuban poets of the 19th century (José María Heredia, Juan Clemente Zenea, Enrique José Varona Julián del Casal and especially José Martí). The importance of art as a subject and as a way of connecting with the ancient world and above all, the centrality of political issues are key aspects that explain the repeated presence of Prometheus and Laocoon


Anclajes ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-86
Author(s):  
Rocío Fernández ◽  

The fascination of Latin American modernism for 19th century French fashion merchandise has been widely addressed in literary theory. Texts filled with diverse cultural materials, textures and objects configured a poetics of the bazaar that became part of a series of strategies through which Latin American literature defined and linked itself to hegemonic aesthetics of the 19th century. The poems and chronicles of Cuban writer Julián del Casal (1863-1893) are no exception; this proliferation of merchandise reveals how the gaze and the images become configured as empty fictions, filled by a cosmopolitan desire. This feature, tied to the function and configuration of images in Cuban modernism, makes possible an anachronical reading of the presence of State merchandise at the other end of the century: Antonio José Ponte’s decadent reality in post-Soviet Cuba.


Author(s):  
Regina Horta Duarte

Modern zoos emerged as mass entertainment, spaces of public leisure and of culture. In the past, they served as monuments and expressions of the degree of “civilization” and progress of a city and its respective country. In Latin America, zoos date from the last quarter of the 19th century. The history of Latin American zoos is a political, cultural, and social history. The conditions of their creation and operation over the decades have conferred important specificities to these institutions. Since their inception, zoos in Latin America have reflected nationalistic aspirations, civilizational projects, and social transformation. Over the decades, the history of many zoos has blended with natural history in Latin America, as many zoo founders were important scientists. The development of new sensitivities toward animals also follows the history of zoos in Latin America from the beginning, because the first animal protection societies appeared at the same time. Today, zoos face vigorous claims from animal rights activists calling for their closure. In view of so many challenges, these institutions are reinventing themselves with an increased focus on conservation and environmental education, joining international zoological societies with high standards of quality. Among several of these societies, the Latin American Association of Zoological Parks and Aquariums (ALPZA) stands out. Founded in 1990, ALPZA organizes, reshapes, and integrates Latin American zoos, establishing global connections. Various actors play a role in the defense and contestation of zoos, such as politicians, scientists, conservationists, animal protection societies, anti-zoo activists, visitors, administrators, officials, and, of course, thousands of wild animals from all over the world who have lived in Latin American cities for decades.


Prospects ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Maria Irene Ramalho de Sousa Santos

American exceptionalism, Joyce Appleby has recently reminded us, is “America's peculiar form of Eurocentrism.” Now that the multicultural history of the United States is finally being written, nothing would justify another look at American exceptionalism, except perhaps the need to examine the intellectual ways that have hidden American historical and social diversity for so long. In this essay I basically argue that a certain appropriation of the 18th-Century conception of nature as “what is” played a role also in the development of American exceptionalism. The naturalist rhetoric in American discourse in the 19th Century, I further argue, ran parallel to the most savage depredations of nature ever performed by humankind. I am particularly interested in foregrounding the discrepancy between the steady construction of that greatest of modern artifacts, the American nation, and its concomitant self-justification as a thing of nature. The other side of the commodification of America is its naturalization, an idea that I find is supported, whether critically or uncritically, by many American poets and artists. In recent times we have witnessed a number of ecological attempts at the social recovery of nature in the most advanced capitalist countries, including, of course, the United States. I am not concerned here with these developments, of which ecofeminism is arguably one of the most interesting ones.


2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-361
Author(s):  
Roberto José Ortiz

The late 19th struggle for artistic freedom in the capitalist world-system put the artist in a contradictory position. This contradiction is particularly relevant for writers of the periphery. Freedom or autonomy to pursue purely intellectual projects required a certain aristocratic defense of the value of art. At the same time, however, artists and intellectuals did confront structural subordination: they belonged, as Pierre Bourdieu explained, to the dominated fractions of the dominant class, subordinated both to the state and the bourgeoisie. The life of Nicaraguan Ruben Darío (1867–1916), probably the most well-known poet in Latin American history, provides a paradigmatic instance of this dilemma. Moreover, it sheds light into a dilemma particular to the peripheral intellectual. Peripheral writers, in the 19th century and still today, are subject to world-systemic hierarchies, even cultural ones. This double subordination is clear in the case of Ruben Darío. He was in a subordinated position not only vis-à-vis the national state and the bourgeoisie. Darío was also in a subordinated position, even if symbolic, in relation to those same intellectuals that Bourdieu celebrated as creators of the autonomy of culture in France. One can account for this complex of hierarchies only through a 'world-systems biography' approach. World-systems biographies clearly examine the dialectic of personal, national and global levels of social life. Moreover, it can uncover the core-periphery dialectic in the realm of artistic production. Thus, this world-systems biography approach is shown to be a useful framework through a brief analysis of Darío's life and work.


2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis Ruso Martinez

Regarding the history of liver surgery, Latin American pioneers have only occasionally been mentioned in the Anglo-Saxon literature. One of such rare cases was Uruguayan surgeon Gerardo Caprio, who in 1931 published a report about a resection of the left lobe of the liver. This was done during an uneventful period in the development of ideas on this surgical technique, following the remarkable advances made in the last quarter of the 19th Century. The anatomic and liver manipulation concepts used by Caprio had been developed by Merola in reports dating back to 1916 and 1920, which revealed well-grounded disagreements with the most renowned anatomists of the time. This paper discusses Merola and Caprio’s academic profile by analyzing their publications, the knowledge base and experience that led the latter to perform such liver resection, and the surgical principles applied to it, which would only be formally adopted worldwide 20 years later.


Author(s):  
Ricardo Roque Baldovinos

El olvido de la crónica en la historia del modernismo resulta sorprendente. Una proporción mayoritaria de la producción de modernistas insignes como Rubén Darío, José Martí o Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera se compone de crónicas. En las siguientes páginas, nos proponemos analizar un caso concreto donde se puede analizar la importancia de la crónica como lugar discursivo. Para ello, examinaremos la labor de Arturo Ambrogi como cronista en la revista semanal El fígaro. La aparición de esta revista en un medio cultural periférico como la ciudad de San Salvador, sólo viene a poner de mayor relieve lo que se está en juego en la escritura modernista.Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No.126, 2010: 583-611


2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-190
Author(s):  
Rosario Pascual Battista ◽  

José Emilio Pacheco (1939-2014) devoted part of his essay production to reconstruct the past of letters and, in particular, was interested in the Modernist movement. From two anthological texts: Anthology of Modernism [1884-1921] (1970) and Modernist Poetry. A General Anthology (1982), and a selection of journalistic notes that he published in the Mexican magazine Proceso, Pacheco aimed at broadening the spectrum of Modernist figures and avoiding to keep to a single figure, such as that of the Nicaraguan Rubén Darío. This article reconstructs the dialogues and reciprocities that José Emilio Pacheco traces with the literary tradition of Modernism and that are sustained, on the one hand, in connections between poets, as it is the case of Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera and José Martí and, on the other hand, in the recovering of poets less well-known by literary criticism, such as Salvador Díaz Mirón.


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