scholarly journals Perceived Discrimination against Black Americans and White Americans

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence James Zigerell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Time Series ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Election ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Time Series Study ◽  
United States Today ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
Series Study

A widely-cited study reported evidence that White Americans reported higher ratings of how much Whites are the victims of discrimination in the United States than of how much Blacks are the victims of discrimination in the United States. However, much fewer than half of White Americans rated discrimination against Whites in the United States today to be greater or more frequent than discrimination against Blacks in the United States today, in data from the American National Election Studies 2012 Time Series Study or in preregistered analyses of data from the American National Election Studies 2016 Time Series Study or from a 2017 national nonprobability survey. Given that relative discrimination against Black Americans is a compelling justification for policies to reduce Black disadvantage, results from these three surveys suggest that White Americans’ policy preferences have much potential to move in a direction that disfavors programs intended to reduce Black disadvantage.

scholarly journals Perceived Discrimination against Black Americans and White Americans

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence J. Zigerell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Time Series ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Election ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Time Series Study ◽  
United States Today ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
Series Study

A widely-cited study reported evidence that White Americans reported higher ratings of how much Whites are the victims of discrimination in the United States than of how much Blacks are the victims of discrimination in the United States. However, much fewer than half of White Americans rated discrimination against Whites in the United States today to be greater or more frequent than discrimination against Blacks in the United States today, in data from the American National Election Studies 2012 Time Series Study or in preregistered analyses of data from the American National Election Studies 2016 Time Series Study or from a 2017 national nonprobability survey. Given that relative discrimination against Black Americans is a compelling justification for policies to reduce Black disadvantage, results from these three surveys suggest that White Americans' policy preferences have much potential to move in a direction that disfavors programs intended to reduce Black disadvantage.

THE SCARCITY OF ENVIRONMENTAL CAPITAL AND ECONOMIC GROWTH: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF AUSTRALIA AND THE UNITED STATES

2007 ◽  
Vol 52 (02) ◽  
pp. 251-263 ◽  
Author(s):  
DODO J. THAMPAPILLAI
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Economic Growth ◽  
Time Series ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
The United States ◽  
Insufficient Evidence ◽  
Time Series Study ◽  
Value Of Nature ◽  
Environmental Capital ◽  
Series Study

The paper employs a methodology that enables the elicitation of the price and quantity of environmental capital (KN) at an aggregate macroeconomic level. The stock of KN considered here is confined to the air-shed of an economy that gets utilized in the process of economic growth. A time series study of the prices and quantities of KN enables an appreciation of the changing value of nature in economic growth. Despite improvements in the rate of utilization of KN, there is insufficient evidence of decreasing scarcity of KN in the case of both Australia and the United States.

scholarly journals Comparative analysis of death by suicide in Brazil and in the United States: descriptive, cross-sectional time series study

2017 ◽  
Vol 135 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Abuabara ◽  
Allan Abuabara ◽  
Carin Albino Luçolli Tonchuk
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Time Series ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Gini Coefficients ◽  
Time Series Study ◽  
Suicide Rates ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Series Study

ABSTRACT CONTEXT AND OBJECTIVE: The World Health Organization recognizes suicide as a public health priority. Increased knowledge of suicide risk factors is needed in order to be able to adopt effective prevention strategies. The aim of this study was to analyze and compare the association between the Gini coefficient (which is used to measure inequality) and suicide death rates over a 14-year period (2000-2013) in Brazil and in the United States (US). The hypothesis put forward was that reduction of income inequality is accompanied by reduction of suicide rates. DESIGN AND SETTING: Descriptive cross-sectional time-series study in Brazil and in the US. METHODS: Population, death and suicide death data were extracted from the DATASUS database in Brazil and from the National Center for Health Statistics in the US. Gini coefficient data were obtained from the World Development Indicators. Time series analysis was performed on Brazilian and American official data regarding the number of deaths caused by suicide between 2000 and 2013 and the Gini coefficients of the two countries. The suicide trends were examined and compared. RESULTS: Brazil and the US present converging Gini coefficients, mainly due to reduction of inequality in Brazil over the last decade. However, suicide rates are not converging as hypothesized, but are in fact rising in both countries. CONCLUSION: The hypothesis that reduction of income inequality is accompanied by reduction of suicide rates was not verified.

scholarly journals Firearm Purchasing and Firearm Violence in the First Months of the Coronavirus Pandemic in the United States

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia P. Schleimer ◽  
Christopher D. McCort ◽  
Veronica A. Pear ◽  
Aaron Shev ◽  
Elizabeth Tomsich ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Time Series ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Time Series Study ◽  
Firearm Violence ◽  
Background Check ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Nonfatal Injuries ◽  
Series Study

ABSTRACTImportanceFirearm violence is a significant public health and safety problem in the United States. A surge in firearm purchases following the onset of the coronavirus pandemic may increase rates of firearm violence.ObjectiveTo estimate the association between changes in firearm purchasing and interpersonal firearm violence during the coronavirus pandemic.DesignCross-sectional time series study. We estimate the difference between observed rates of firearm purchases and those predicted by seasonal autoregressive integrated moving average models. Using negative binomial models, we then estimate the association between excess firearm purchases and rates of interpersonal firearm violence within states, controlling for confounders.SettingThe 48 contiguous states and the District of Columbia. Hawaii and Alaska are excluded due to missing or incomplete data.ExposureThe difference between observed and expected rates of firearm purchases in March through May 2020, approximated by National Instant Criminal Background Check System records.Main Outcome and MeasureFatal and nonfatal injuries from interpersonal firearm violence, recorded in the Gun Violence Archive.ResultsWe estimate that there were 2.1 million excess firearm purchases from March through May 2020—a 64.3% increase over expected volume, and an increase of 644.4 excess purchases per 100,000 population. We estimate a relative rate of death and injury from firearm violence of 1.015 (95% Confidence Interval (CI): 1.005 to 1.025) for every 100 excess purchases per 100,000, in models that incorporate variation in purchasing across states and control for effects of the pandemic common to all states. This reflects an increase of 776 fatal and nonfatal injuries (95% CI: 216 to 1,335) over the number expected had no increase in purchasing occurred.Conclusions and RelevanceWe find a significant increase in firearm violence in the United States associated with the coronavirus pandemic-related surge in firearm purchasing. Our findings are consistent with existing research. Firearm violence prevention strategies may be particularly important during the pandemic.KEY POINTSQuestionIs the coronavirus-related surge in firearm purchasing associated with changes in rates of interpersonal firearm violence?FindingsThis cross-sectional time series study suggests the recent increase in firearm purchases—an estimated 2.1 million excess purchases nationally between March and May 2020—is associated with a statistically significant increase in firearm violence. We estimate an increase of 776 fatal and nonfatal injuries (95% CI: 216 to 1,335) in the US over the number expected for those months had there been no increase in purchasing.MeaningDuring the coronavirus pandemic, an acute increase in firearm access is associated with an increase in firearm violence.

Fertility and Suicide Rates: A Time Series Analysis in the United States

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lester ◽  
Bijou Yang
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Time Series ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
The United States ◽  
Fertility Rates ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Time Series Study ◽  
Suicide Rates ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Series Study

SummaryIn a time series study of the USA from 1933 to 1984, fertility rates were associated with the suicide rates of those aged 15–44. The higher the fertility rate the lower the suicide rate for these age groups, for both whites and non-whites, and for both men and women. The results were seen as supporting Durkheim's theory of suicide.

scholarly journals Infectious Disease Prevalence, Not Race Exposure, Predicts Both Implicit and Explicit Racial Prejudice Across the United States

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian A. O’Shea ◽  
Derrick G. Watson ◽  
Gordon D. A. Brown ◽  
Corey L. Fincher
Keyword(s):  
Infectious Disease ◽  
United States ◽  
Black Americans ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Prejudice ◽  
White Americans ◽  
Disease Rates ◽  
Prejudicial Attitudes ◽  
Implicit And Explicit

What factors increase racial prejudice? Across the United States, increased exposure to Black Americans has been hypothesized to increase White Americans’ prejudicial attitudes toward Black Americans. Here we test an alternative explanation: People living in regions with higher infectious disease rates have a greater tendency to avoid out-groups because such avoidance reduces their perceived likelihood of contracting illnesses. Consistent with this parasite-stress hypothesis, we show that both White and Black individuals ( N > 77,000) living in U.S. states in which disease rates are higher display increased implicit (automatic) and explicit (conscious) racial prejudice. These results survived the inclusion of several individual- and state-level controls previously used to explain variability in prejudice. Furthermore, showing disease-related primes to White individuals with strong germ aversion increased their explicit, but not implicit, anti-Black/pro-White prejudice. Domestic out-groups, not just foreigners, may therefore experience increased overt forms of prejudice when disease rates are high.

Measuring the Southern Contribution to the Democratic Coalition

1987 ◽  
Vol 81 (2) ◽  
pp. 567-570 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Abramson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Survey Research ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Unit Of Analysis ◽  
Research Results ◽  
Demographic Groups ◽  
Election Studies

Measuring the southern contribution to the Democratic coalition is an important task. To measure this contribution one must choose appropriate data and the appropriate unit of analysis for studying party coalitions in the United States. Two recent studies of party coalitions use the National Election Studies to estimate the southern contribution to the Democratic party, and these studies illustrate the problems one may encounter. This note demonstrates two points. First, survey research results may lead to erroneous estimates and it is preferable, where possible, to rely upon official election statistics. Second, the contribution of demographic groups to party coalitions should be assessed within the context of the political rules that make such coalitions meaningful.

scholarly journals Trump Voters and the White Working Class

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen L. Morgan ◽  
Jiwon Lee
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The United States ◽  
National Election ◽  
Community Surveys ◽  
The Public ◽  
Self Reports ◽  
White Working Class ◽  
Election Studies

To evaluate the claim that white working-class voters were a crucial block of support for Trump in the 2016 presidential election, this article offers two sets of results. First, self-reports of presidential votes in 2012 and 2016 from the American National Election Studies show that Obama-to-Trump voters and 2012 eligible nonvoters composed a substantial share of Trump’s 2016 voters and were disproportionately likely to be members of the white working class. Second, when county vote tallies in 2012 and 2016 are merged with the public-use microdata samples of the 2012-to-2016 American Community Surveys, areal variations across 1,142 geographic units that sensibly partition the United States show that Trump’s gains in 2016 above Romney’s performance in 2012 are strongly related to the proportion of the voting population in each area that was white and working class. Taken together, these results support the claim that Trump’s appeal to the white working class was crucial for his victory.

scholarly journals Political Conversations in the United States: Who Talks to Whom, Why, and Why Not

1995 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 277-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Earl Bennett ◽  
Bonnie Fisher ◽  
David Resnick
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
National Election ◽  
Logit Analysis ◽  
Social Surveys ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
The U.S

Although normative political theorists have argued that citizens talking with other citizens about public affairs is essential in a democracy, empirically oriented political scientists have tended to ignore political discussions. This paper draws on National Election Studies and General Social Surveys to plumb the extent and breadth of political conversations in the U.S. We also explore who talks about public affairs, with whom they speak, and why some people avoid discussing politics. A logit analysis of pooled National Election Studies from 1984 to 1992 shows that some factors typically thought to affect taking part in politics are not significant predictors of the probability that people will engage in political discussions, but other variables not normally included in participation models do affect talking about politics.

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