scholarly journals Pygmalion and the Owl of Minerva: The Philosophy of Revolution by N.V. Ustryalov

2020 ◽  
pp. 214-224
Author(s):  
Anton Voytenko
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Careful Analysis ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Clear Idea ◽  
The French Revolution

Introduction. The article examines the theoretical views on revolution as a socio-political phenomenon advanced by N.V. Ustryalov (1890–1937), main ideologist of National Bolshevism. Methods and materials. The article focuses mainly on the publicistic works by N.V. Ustryalov. The task of identifying general theoretical constructs dissolved in the general journalistic discourse or veiled for tactical reasons requires the correct interpretation of images and symbols, careful analysis of all the content, as well as the “reverse” formatting of it in a consistent concept. Analysis. Ustryalov differentiated revolution from other similar social phenomena (coup detat, riot, rebellion, etc.). In his point of view, revolution has several unique features: it follows sine and passes its peak in the middle, it “deepens” at its peak to a “clear idea”, which is not implemented, and it is characterized by “heterogeneous goals”. There is a good reason to assume that Ustryalov considered the stages of the French Revolution as an invariant for a revolution as such. In the article, the stages of the Russian Revolution in Ustryalovs assessing are analyzed: its general coincidences with the French revolution, the difference in their secondary factors and scenarios. Results. The author suggests that Ustryalov based on his analysis of the Russian Revolution and the general development of Russia in the 1900s–1920s of the 20th c. was able to formulate a version of Russian history of modern times that is relevant and actual at the moment, because it explains consistent dialectical continuity from the Russian Empire to the USSR, and is the least traumatic for the historical memory of the majority of the population of Russia at the present stage.

scholarly journals The “Vendee” of the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907? The Western Provinces and the Black Hundreds

2021 ◽  
pp. 30-34
Author(s):  
T. Rocchi
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Regional Identity ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Equal Sign ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The French Revolution

The western French department of the Vendee has acquired a certain regional identity in the politics of historical memory not only of the French Revolution but also of the Russian Revolution of 1917-1922. The royalist rebellion of the Vendee peasants between 1793-1796 has become a synonym for a region of mass lower-class counter-revolution. Not surprisingly, both supporters and opponents of the Bolsheviks tried to find parallels with the French Revolution to explain the massiveness of anti-Bolshevik opposition in certain regions of the former Russian Empire. Often both Reds and Whites called the Cossack lands, especially the Don, the Vendee of the Russian Revolution. However, it is impossible to place an equal sign between the Vendee peasants, fighting for king and church, and anti-Bolshevik Cossacks and peasants because the Cossacks and peasants were not fighting for the restoration of the monarchy. One can find a Russian equivalent to the Vendee regional concept of mass counter-revolution in the nine western provinces of the Russian Empire in the Revolution of 1905-1907. These provinces, along with six other provinces, comprised the Jewish Pale of Settlement and became bastions of the Union of the Russian People and other Black Hundred organizations. Unlike the interior Russian regions, the western provinces were multiethnic and multireligious. The western provinces had mass protest movements and outbreaks of terrorism where ethnic, religious and social factors intersected. The amorphous populist Black Hundred ideology could attract mass support in the western provinces from all those seeing themselves as victims of all different variations of exploitation and injustices from the hands of different establishments.

The Revolutionizing of the Revolution

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Strict Sense ◽  
French Government ◽  
Thing In Itself ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

In 1792, the French Revolution became a thing in itself, an uncontrollable force that might eventually spend itself but which no one could direct or guide. The governments set up in Paris in the following years all faced the problem of holding together against forces more revolutionary than themselves. This chapter distinguishes two such forces for analytical purposes. There was a popular upheaval, an upsurge from below, sans-culottisme, which occurred only in France. Second, there was the “international” revolutionary agitation, which was not international in any strict sense, but only concurrent within the boundaries of various states as then organized. From the French point of view these were the “foreign” revolutionaries or sympathizers. The most radical of the “foreign” revolutionaries were seldom more than advanced political democrats. Repeatedly, however, from 1792 to 1799, these two forces tended to converge into one force in opposition to the French government of the moment.

Britain: Republicanism and the Establishment

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Established Order ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
At Home

This chapter focuses on England during the revolutionary decade. It argues that in Britain and Ireland, as in Eastern Europe, it was counter-revolution that prevailed. The net effect of the revolutionary decade was to demonstrate, or to consolidate, the strength of the established order. The very lengths to which the established order went, however, in dealing with disaffection (or what was called “sedition”) offer a measure of the magnitude of the discontents. The men who ruled England were not the sort to be frightened by witches. The British governing class was neither timid, foolish, intolerant, nor especially ruthless when unprovoked. That Englishmen of this class became fearful of unrest at home, intolerant of ideas or organizations suggesting those of the French Revolution, repressive in Britain, and deliberately terroristic in Ireland can be taken as evidence of the reality of something of which, from their own point of view, they had reason to be afraid. In England as elsewhere there was a contest between democrats and aristocrats.

Coleridge on Science, Philosophy, and Poetry: Their Relation to Religion

1959 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucyle Werkmeister
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Human Activities ◽  
Mathematical Problem ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Edmund Burke ◽  
Philosophical Inquiry ◽  
The Sublime ◽  
Science Philosophy ◽  
David Hartley ◽  
The French Revolution

In 1791, when he was eighteen years of age, Coleridge came across Burke's A Philosophical Inquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful. Although he was sufficiently interested to read the essay, he was not impressed by it. In fact, if one is to judge his reaction by the jeu d'esprit, “Mathematical Problem,” it was chiefly one of amusement. Although he went on to read Burke's other essays, he was attracted by the character of the author and the style of his writing rather than by his point of view; for, certainly a young man who was an avowed disciple of David Hartley, a champion of the French Revolution, and the originator of Pantisocracy could find little comfort in the works of Edmund Burke. But the zeal for Hartley, the French Revolution, and Pantisocracy was short-lived; and by 1796 Coleridge had turned, a “thought-bewilder'd man,” to a reading of Bishop Berkeley.The influence of Berkeley, especially of the later Platonic Berkeley, began to show in his work almost at once; the influence of Burke continued to lag. Out of his reflections on Berkeley, however, came a new admiration for Burke, particularly for his Philosophical Inquiry; and, from the combined teachings of the two, Coleridge ultimately derived suggestions for a theology broad enough to account for and to give meaning and purpose to all human activities. I should like here to indicate briefly the use he made of these suggestions with respect to science, philosophy, and poetry. I do not mean to imply that there were no other influences at work in the formulation of his views; but I do submit that these two influences are basic and that Coleridge's position can be adequately understood only in terms of them.

scholarly journals France and the French in “Okayannye dni” by I. A. Bunin

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-222
Author(s):  
D. D. Nikolaev
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
French History ◽  
Historical Responsibility ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
First Time ◽  
The City ◽  
The French Revolution

One of the main motives in “Odessa” part of I. A. Bunin’s “Okayannye dni” is connected with France. For the first time “Okayannye dni” was published in 1925 on the pages of Paris émigré newspaper “Vozrozhdenie”, and Bunin's text was addressed not only to Russian, but also to foreign audience, primarily French. The editorial circumstances of the first publication should be taken into account when explaining the significance of the “French” motives, but journalistic logic of 1925 follows the specific circumstances of life in Odessa and related author’s experience of 1919. “The French” appear in the first fragment of the “Okayannye dni”, published in the first issue of “Renaissance” on June 3, 1925. In the newspaper publication the starting point is the decision of the French troops to leave Odessa. Bunin does not directly accuse France of abandoning the city and its inhabitants, but then constantly returns to the motive of unfulfilled hopes associated with the French. The French navy destroyer becomes a symbol of the hopes and their collapse. Two other lines connecting Russia and France are also pointed in the first fragment of the “Okayannye dni”. Bunin writes about modern political events and about French history. Bunin constantly reminds the French of their historical responsibility for committing and canonizing their “great” revolution, thus setting an example of the Russian revolution. Among the semantic centers of the “Okayannye dni” in the newspaper publication are fragments about the leaders of the French revolution, in which Bunin refers to the book “Vielles maisons, vieux papiers” by G. Lenotre. References to Lenotr’s book help to avoid a negative assessment of the French revolution as a view of the Russian “from the outside”. Significant changes in the text of the “Okayannye dni” in the book edition in Berlin in 1935 also relate to French motives. Their significance is reduced both by removing fragments and by the restoration of the natural chronological structure, in which the “Okayannye dni” now begin in Moscow on January 1, 1918, not by departure of the French troops from Odessa in 1919.

The Lesser Evil

2004 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 187-201
Author(s):  
Avishai Margalit
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Moral Philosophy ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Stuart Hampshire ◽  
Lesser Evil ◽  
The French Revolution

‘The Russian Revolution and the National Socialist ascendancy in Germany are the two most important sources of evidence of moral philosophy in our time, as the French Revolution was for Hegel and Marx, and later to Tocqueville and for Mill. Although both revolutions produced, both in intention and in effect, a triumph on a gigantic scale, there are often remarked differences between the evil effects planned and achieved.’ This is an observation made by Stuart Hampshire, a keen philosophical connoisseur of the 20th century.

The Anatomy of The Saudi Revolution

1974 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
David G. Edens
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
American Revolution ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
English Revolution ◽  
Common Features ◽  
The French Revolution

In his classic study of revolution, Crane Brinton succeeds in uncovering certain common features, or uniformities, which are present in all four of the great Western revolutions. In analysing the English Revolution of the 1640s, the American Revolution, the French Revolution and the more recent Russian Revolution, he employs ‘the fever of revolution’ as a conceptual measure of social disequilibrium. This pathological analogy provides a means of focusing attention upon the key uniformities of revolution.

Fragile Frontiers: The Diminishing Domains of Qajar Iran

1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Firoozeh Kashani-Sabet
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The World ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Natural Barriers ◽  
The French Revolution

Long before the French Revolution, an anonymous geographer of the 10th century had already imagined the “boundaries of the world”—(ḥudūd al-ʿālam)—as comprising distinct regions. According to this unknown figure, each territory varied from another “First, by the difference of water, air, soil, and temperature (garma-va-sarma). Secondly, by the difference of religion, law (sharīʿat) and beliefs (kīsh). Thirdly, by the difference of words (lughāt) and languages. Fourthly, by the difference of kingdoms (padshāʾī-hā).” These criteria, as well as natural barriers—mountains, rivers, deserts—allowed the author of this work to divide the world into tracts much like nation-states today.

Mathematicians and the Nation in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century as Reflected in the Luigi Cremona Correspondence

2011 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Millán Gasca
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Scientific Culture ◽  
Bourgeois Society ◽  
Dominant Tendency ◽  
The Individual ◽  
National Membership ◽  
The French Revolution

ArgumentUp until the French Revolution, European mathematics was an “aristocratic” activity, the intellectual pastime of a small circle of men who were convinced they were collaborating on a universal undertaking free of all space-time constraints, as they believed they were ideally in dialogue with the Greek founders and with mathematicians of all languages and eras. The nineteenth century saw its transformation into a “democratic” but also “patriotic” activity: the dominant tendency, as shown by recent research to analyze this transformation, seems to be the national one, albeit accompanied by numerous analogies from the point of view of the processes of national evolution, possibly staggered in time. Nevertheless, the very homogeneity of the individual national processes leads us to view mathematics in the context of the national-universal tension that the spread of liberal democracy was subjected to over the past two centuries. In order to analyze national-universal tension in mathematics, viewed as an intellectual undertaking and a profession of the new bourgeois society, it is necessary to investigate whether the network of international communication survived the political, social, and cultural upheavals of the French Revolution and the European wars waged in the early nineteenth century, whether national passions have transformed this network, and if so, in what way. Luigi Cremona's international correspondence indicates that relationships among individuals have been restructured by the force of national membership, but that the universal nature of mathematics has actually been boosted by a vision shared by mathematicians from all countries concerning the role of their discipline in democratic and liberal society as the basis of scientific culture and technological innovation, as well as a basic component of public education.

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