scholarly journals The “Vendee” of the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907? The Western Provinces and the Black Hundreds

2021 ◽  
pp. 30-34
Author(s):  
T. Rocchi
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Regional Identity ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Equal Sign ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The French Revolution

The western French department of the Vendee has acquired a certain regional identity in the politics of historical memory not only of the French Revolution but also of the Russian Revolution of 1917-1922. The royalist rebellion of the Vendee peasants between 1793-1796 has become a synonym for a region of mass lower-class counter-revolution. Not surprisingly, both supporters and opponents of the Bolsheviks tried to find parallels with the French Revolution to explain the massiveness of anti-Bolshevik opposition in certain regions of the former Russian Empire. Often both Reds and Whites called the Cossack lands, especially the Don, the Vendee of the Russian Revolution. However, it is impossible to place an equal sign between the Vendee peasants, fighting for king and church, and anti-Bolshevik Cossacks and peasants because the Cossacks and peasants were not fighting for the restoration of the monarchy. One can find a Russian equivalent to the Vendee regional concept of mass counter-revolution in the nine western provinces of the Russian Empire in the Revolution of 1905-1907. These provinces, along with six other provinces, comprised the Jewish Pale of Settlement and became bastions of the Union of the Russian People and other Black Hundred organizations. Unlike the interior Russian regions, the western provinces were multiethnic and multireligious. The western provinces had mass protest movements and outbreaks of terrorism where ethnic, religious and social factors intersected. The amorphous populist Black Hundred ideology could attract mass support in the western provinces from all those seeing themselves as victims of all different variations of exploitation and injustices from the hands of different establishments.

scholarly journals Political Terrorism in the Russian Empire in 1901-1911 and Its Role in the Historical Memory of Russia

2020 ◽  
pp. 51-56
Author(s):  
Т. Rocchi
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Socialist Revolution ◽  
Criminal Violence ◽  
Political Terrorism ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Revolution

The first outbreak of mass political terrorism in the 20th century took place in the Russian Empire, especially in the First Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. However, these events have not received proper attention in the historical memory of Russia and Europe and in the history of world terrorism. The author examines the factors enabling the continued existence of a huge “blank spot” in the memory of Russia and the world. The under-evaluation of the significance of terrorism in the first decade of the 20th century is closely connected with the under-evaluation of the First Russian Revolution as an independent revolution. In the Soviet Union, historians emphasized that the Revolution of 1905-1907 was “the dress rehearsal” for the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. In post-Soviet Russia, many historians and publicists consider the Revolution of 1905-1907 “the dress rehearsal” for the “Golgotha” of 1917. There is a strong tendency to idealize the autocracy and right-wing movements and to demonize socialists and liberals. Many solid monographs and articles about terrorism are now being published in Russia. However, we still do not have exhaustive investigations covering the entire period of terrorism between 1866 (attempted assassination of Tsar Alexander II on April 4, 1866 by the revolutionary D.V. Karakozov) and 1911, examining the ideologies and tactics of different parties and movements, the government’s policies on political crimes, the relationships of society, especially among different political movements, to terrorism, and the differences between terrorism and other types of mass violence such as mass protest movements of different strata of the population and criminal violence. Only through a painstaking and multi-sided analysis of the terrorist phenomenon in the European-wide historical context we can determine the place of terrorism in the historical memory of Russia and Europe.

“Merit to Admire”: European Political Experience in the Private Committee’s Practice

Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (6 (104)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Yulia Ariskina
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Distorted Form ◽  
The French Revolution

The article examines ideological interaction between the Russian Empire and Europe in the 18th — 19th centuries basing on the analysis of extensive historical and theoretical material. The reforms of the early reign of Alexander I were developed within the framework of the Private Committee using European political experience and philosophical concepts of the Enlightenment. The theories of the “philosopher king”, “social contract”, “separation of powers” and others were used while discussing reforms, but in a rather truncated or distorted form. The experience of the French revolution was the reason for the selective and careful application of enlightened terms and concepts by Alexander I and his entourage. Nevertheless, the preparation of reforms within the framework of the Private Committee combined quite harmoniously their enlightened context and monarchical character.

scholarly journals Pygmalion and the Owl of Minerva: The Philosophy of Revolution by N.V. Ustryalov

2020 ◽  
pp. 214-224
Author(s):  
Anton Voytenko
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Careful Analysis ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Clear Idea ◽  
The French Revolution

Introduction. The article examines the theoretical views on revolution as a socio-political phenomenon advanced by N.V. Ustryalov (1890–1937), main ideologist of National Bolshevism. Methods and materials. The article focuses mainly on the publicistic works by N.V. Ustryalov. The task of identifying general theoretical constructs dissolved in the general journalistic discourse or veiled for tactical reasons requires the correct interpretation of images and symbols, careful analysis of all the content, as well as the “reverse” formatting of it in a consistent concept. Analysis. Ustryalov differentiated revolution from other similar social phenomena (coup detat, riot, rebellion, etc.). In his point of view, revolution has several unique features: it follows sine and passes its peak in the middle, it “deepens” at its peak to a “clear idea”, which is not implemented, and it is characterized by “heterogeneous goals”. There is a good reason to assume that Ustryalov considered the stages of the French Revolution as an invariant for a revolution as such. In the article, the stages of the Russian Revolution in Ustryalovs assessing are analyzed: its general coincidences with the French revolution, the difference in their secondary factors and scenarios. Results. The author suggests that Ustryalov based on his analysis of the Russian Revolution and the general development of Russia in the 1900s–1920s of the 20th c. was able to formulate a version of Russian history of modern times that is relevant and actual at the moment, because it explains consistent dialectical continuity from the Russian Empire to the USSR, and is the least traumatic for the historical memory of the majority of the population of Russia at the present stage.

scholarly journals The Abortion – a Crime or Personal Right of Every Woman (the Сase of Sub-Russian Ukraine 19th – Beginning of the 20th centuries.)

2021 ◽  
pp. 17-31
Author(s):  
Maryna Krugliak ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
Criminal Liability ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Moral Norms ◽  
The Public ◽  
Urban And Rural Areas ◽  
The Russian Empire

The purpose of the article is to trace the evolution of the attitude of the authorities and the public (both in urban and rural areas) of sub-Russian Ukraine to abortion during the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries. punishment for this crime. The methodology of research is based on a combination of general scientific (analysis, synthesis, generalization, comparison, systematization) and special-historical methods (historical-structural, constructive-genetic, historical-comparative) with the principles of historicism, objectivity, systemicity, verification. Scientific novelty of the work lies in the fact that for the first time in domestic and foreign historiography there was made an attempt to comprehensively consider the problem of abortion in the Russian Empire in the 19th – beginning of the 20th centuries. (the case of sub-Russian Ukraine), in particular, the peculiarities of the attitude to abortion by the state and the public were determined, a comparative analysis of the reasons for their commission, conditions and means of abortion, availability of such operations in rural areas and in modernized cities. Conclusions. The legislation of the Russian Empire considered abortion as a criminal offense, the punishment for which was quite severe, although with a tendency to liberalize (from exile to Siberia and beatings with a whip to imprisonment for several years). Despite criminal liability, at the beginning of the 20-th century, abortions have become an integral part of the daily lives of the cities. Punishment for such “crimes” was infrequent, mostly only when the case gained considerable media coverage or when the operation resulted in the patient's death. Attitudes toward abortion in cities and villages were different: traditional Ukrainian culture condemned abortion as a crime against the unborn child, an attempt on moral norms and values, and a social hierarchy. In cities, attitudes toward abortion were more pragmatic; such operations were most often performed for material reasons, in the case of the lower class, or to avoid shame and to entertain (concealment of the fact of extramarital pregnancy by married nobles, etc. “new women”). On the eve of the World War I, the advanced public advocated the decriminalization of abortion.

scholarly journals France and the French in “Okayannye dni” by I. A. Bunin

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-222
Author(s):  
D. D. Nikolaev
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
French History ◽  
Historical Responsibility ◽  
Political Events ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
First Time ◽  
The City ◽  
The French Revolution

One of the main motives in “Odessa” part of I. A. Bunin’s “Okayannye dni” is connected with France. For the first time “Okayannye dni” was published in 1925 on the pages of Paris émigré newspaper “Vozrozhdenie”, and Bunin's text was addressed not only to Russian, but also to foreign audience, primarily French. The editorial circumstances of the first publication should be taken into account when explaining the significance of the “French” motives, but journalistic logic of 1925 follows the specific circumstances of life in Odessa and related author’s experience of 1919. “The French” appear in the first fragment of the “Okayannye dni”, published in the first issue of “Renaissance” on June 3, 1925. In the newspaper publication the starting point is the decision of the French troops to leave Odessa. Bunin does not directly accuse France of abandoning the city and its inhabitants, but then constantly returns to the motive of unfulfilled hopes associated with the French. The French navy destroyer becomes a symbol of the hopes and their collapse. Two other lines connecting Russia and France are also pointed in the first fragment of the “Okayannye dni”. Bunin writes about modern political events and about French history. Bunin constantly reminds the French of their historical responsibility for committing and canonizing their “great” revolution, thus setting an example of the Russian revolution. Among the semantic centers of the “Okayannye dni” in the newspaper publication are fragments about the leaders of the French revolution, in which Bunin refers to the book “Vielles maisons, vieux papiers” by G. Lenotre. References to Lenotr’s book help to avoid a negative assessment of the French revolution as a view of the Russian “from the outside”. Significant changes in the text of the “Okayannye dni” in the book edition in Berlin in 1935 also relate to French motives. Their significance is reduced both by removing fragments and by the restoration of the natural chronological structure, in which the “Okayannye dni” now begin in Moscow on January 1, 1918, not by departure of the French troops from Odessa in 1919.

scholarly journals Tartu ülikool kui eestlaste mälupaik [The University of Tartu as a memory site for Estonians]

2016 ◽  
pp. 245 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lea Leppik
Keyword(s):  
Educational Institution ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Language Of Instruction ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Of The University ◽  
New Nation ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The University ◽  
The City

The City of Tartu is proud of its university and its status as a university town. The university is an even stronger memory site than the city and has special meaning for Baltic Germans in addition to Estonians, but also for Ukrainians, Armenians, Poles, Latvians, Jews and other minorities of the former Russian Empire. The commemoration of the anniversaries of the University of Tartu is a very graphic example of the use of memory and the susceptibility of remembering to the aims of the current political system and of various interest groups. Here history has become an “active shaper of the present” according to Juri Lotman’s definition. This article examines the commemoration of jubilees of the University of Tartu through two hundred years. Nowadays Estonians consider the entire history of the University of Tartu to be their own starting from its founding by King Gustav II Adolf of Sweden in 1632. The Estonian language was not unknown in the university in the Swedish era – knowledge of Estonian was necessary for pastors and some examples of occasional poetry written in Estonian have survived from that time. The university was reopened in 1802 when it was already part of the Russian Empire and became a primarily Baltic German university. It shaped the identity of the Baltic provinces in Russia and contributed to their growing together culturally in the eyes of both the German-speaking upper class and the Estonian- and Latvian-speaking lower class. The Estonian and Latvian languages were both represented at the university by one lecturer. There were also Estonians at the university in the first decades already but at that time, education generally meant assimilation into German culture. The 50th jubilee of the Imperial University of Tartu was commemorated in 1852 as a celebration of a Baltic German university. The 100th anniversary of the imperial university in 1902 was commemorated at a university where the language of instruction had been switched to Russian. The guests of honour were well-known Russian scientists, church representatives and state officials. For the first time, a lengthy overview of the history of the University of Tartu was published in Estonian in the album of the Society of Estonian Students under the meaningful title (University of the Estonian Homeland). Unlike the official concept of the 100 year old university, this overview stressed the university’s connection to the university of the era of Swedish rule. When the Russian Empire collapsed and the Estonian nation became independent, the University of Tartu was opened on 1 December 1919 as an institution where the language of instruction was Estonian. The wish of the new nation to distance itself from both the Russian and German cultural areas and to be connected to something respectably old was expressed in the spectacular festivities held in 1932 commemorating the 300th anniversary of the University of Tartu. After the Second World War, Estonians who ended up abroad held the anniversaries of the Estonian era University of Tartu in esteem and maintained the traditions of the university student organisations that were banned in the Soviet state. The 150th anniversary of the founding of the university was commemorated in the Estonian SSR in 1952 – at the height of Stalinism. The Swedish era university was cast aside and the monuments to the king and to nationalist figures were removed, replaced by the favourites of the Soviet regime. Connections to Russia were emphasised in every possible way. Lithuanians celebrated the 400th anniversary of their University of Vilnius in 1979, going back to the educational institution established in the 16th century by the Jesuits. This encouraged Estonians but the interwar tradition of playing up the Swedish era was so strong that the educational pursuits of the Jesuits in Tartu (1585–1625, with intervals) were nevertheless not tied into the institute of higher education. So it was that the 350th anniversary of the University of Tartu was celebrated on a grand scale in 1982. The protest movement among university students played an important role in the restoration of Estonia’s independence. Immediately thereafter, the commemoration of the anniversaries of the Estonian era university that had in the meantime been banned began once again. The 200th anniversary of the opening of the Imperial University of Tartu (2002) passed with mixed feelings. The imperial university as a university of the Russian state no longer fit in well and it was feared that the connection to the Swedish era would suffer. Yet since this period had nevertheless brought Tartu the greatest portion of its scientific fame, a series of jubilee collected works were published by various faculties. On the other hand, nobody had any qualms about commemorating the 375th anniversary of the Swedish era university five years later (2007) on a grand scale with new monuments, memorial plaques, exhibitions, a public celebration and a visit from the King of Sweden.

scholarly journals THE FIGHTING OF THE CARALIAN AUTHORITIES OF CZARISM WITH THE UKRAINIAN POLITICAL PARTIES OF THE ADVENTURES IN THE YEARS OF THE FIRST THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION

2020 ◽  
pp. 84-102
Author(s):  
О. Сарнацький
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
National Liberation ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Royal Court ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Judicial Procedure

The actions of the juridicalbranch of power of the autocracyin relationto the activity of oppositional political parties founded at the end of the 19-th – beginning of the 20-th centuries in Russian Empire and headed liberatoryand national-liberatorymovement in the country, whichwere aimed at ceaseof their politicalactivity and occurred simultaneously with administrative repressions over political opponents of the existing system.After all, the law in force in the empire until October 1905 did not allow the existence and activity of any political partiesin the country. In the conditions of the lawfulness proclaimed by tsarism (even with all its limitations), the authorities were forced to resort to court assistance. The accusatory verdict was the most severe punishment.During the First Russian Revolution, which began at this time, the judiciary in every way promoted the local administrative authorities in defining its properties of the committed «criminal acts» and punishing the perpetrators. More or less «condescending» sentences of judges against representatives of the revolutionary and national liberation movements in 1905 forced the tsarist judiciary to review such a judicial procedure and strengthen its harshness on defendants who committed crimes against the authorities. Subsequently, the Ministry of Justice issued a variety of secret circulars, aimed at intensifying the struggle of the courts against the revolutionary movement, and the court machine of the tsar began to increase pressure. The law of March 18, 1906, restricted the publicity of the court and the timeframe for hearing cases, abolished the requirement to record witnesses’ statements in the minutes and to motivate sentences. On May 11, 1906, the Ministry of Justice issued a circular to the courts No. 2015, which stated that cases of the most serious state crimes should be heard in the special presence of the court chamber behind closed doors. It consisted of a provincial nobleman, a mayor, and state representatives. The judicial power of the autocracy was actively “working”, punishing representatives and supporters of Ukrainian political parties when their activities were related to elections to the Second State Duma. At the same time, the royal court severely punished representatives of Ukrainian political parties, even if they were considered underage by the laws of the Russian Empire, without even considering some of them as guilty.

The Lesser Evil

2004 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 187-201
Author(s):  
Avishai Margalit
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Moral Philosophy ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Stuart Hampshire ◽  
Lesser Evil ◽  
The French Revolution

‘The Russian Revolution and the National Socialist ascendancy in Germany are the two most important sources of evidence of moral philosophy in our time, as the French Revolution was for Hegel and Marx, and later to Tocqueville and for Mill. Although both revolutions produced, both in intention and in effect, a triumph on a gigantic scale, there are often remarked differences between the evil effects planned and achieved.’ This is an observation made by Stuart Hampshire, a keen philosophical connoisseur of the 20th century.

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