Der Erste Weltkrieg als Bewährungsprobe. Bolschewistische Lernprozesse aus dem «imperialistischen» Krieg

2003 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dietrich Beyrau

The Crucible of the First World War. What the Bolsheviks learned from the «imperialist» war Even before 1914, deep ethnic and social tensions in Russia resulted in violence. Labor militancy, revolutionary terrorism and tsarist anti-revolutionary repression, and, not least, anti-semitic pogroms in the countryside were typical forms of violence. When civil war broke out after the Bolsheviks seized power, violence on the left and the right reached unprecedented levels. Pre-war conflicts were recast in ideological terms, and the new regime removed all limits on violence in theory and practice. The Bolsheviks enforced their claim to power through comprehensive forms of repression, ranging from military requisition and recruitment under the threat and use of force to mass executions. Their enemies responded in kind. In addition, the regime propagated a world-view marked by a sharp dichotomy between friend and foe, and it erased all references to its own acts of violence from the memory of the civil war. All this paved the way for Stalin's murderous policies.

2020 ◽  
pp. 157-167
Author(s):  
Goran J. Petrovic

This paper analyzes “Futility”, one of the best poems by Wilfred Owen, a renowned British poet-soldier of the First World War. It shows that, in philosophical terms, the poem is based on existential nihilism as a view that human existence is intrinsically non-teleological. As the paper argues, Owen does not develop such a pessimistic world-view because of his great knowledge of Darwin’s or Nietzsche’s work as being emblematic of late nineteenth and early twentieth century pessimism, but because of his firsthand experience with the horrors of history’s first mechanized war. Owen’s nihilistic philosophy is viewed in contrast with the ideology of progress and utopianism as being prevalent over pessimism up until the outbreak of WWI and as being equally propounded by the secular philosopher Herbert Spencer and the Protestant liberal theologians. In brief, “Futility”, as a poem which presents the demise of a nameless British soldier, ends in the poet’s rhetorical question which explicitly doubts the purposefulness of human history. The paper also deals with “Futility’s” stylistic traits, and in doing so comes to the conclusion that the poem’s mood is for its most part temperate and elegiac with, in emotional terms, a somewhat more intense ending, just as it reveals that its irregular rhyming and metre reflect the poet’s reaction to the spiritual emptiness and chaos of war.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (08) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Джамиля Яшар гызы Рустамова ◽  

The article is dedicated to the matter of Turkish prisoners on the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea during the First World War. According to approximate computations, there were about 50-60 thousand people of Turkish captives in Russia. Some of them were sent to Baku because of the close location to the Caucasus Front and from there they were sent to the Nargin Island in the Caspian Sea. As time showed it was not the right choise. The Island had no decent conditions for living and turned the life of prisoners into the hell camp. Hastily built barracks contravene meet elementary standards, were poorly heated and by the end of the war they were not heated at all, water supply was unsatisfactory, sometimes water was not brought to the prisoner's several days. Bread was given in 100 grams per person per day, and then this rate redused by half. Knowing the plight of the prisoners, many citizens of Baku as well as the Baku Muslim Charitable Society and other charitable societies provided moral and material support to prisoners, they often went to the camp, brought food, clothes, medicines Key words: World War I, prisoners of war, Nargin Island, refugees, incarceration conditions, starvation, charity


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Oliver Brown

This thesis investigates the prevalence of anti-Semitism in the British right-wing between the years of 1918 and 1930. It aims to redress the imbalance of studies on interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism that are skewed towards the 1930s, Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. This thesis is the first to focus exclusively on the immediate aftermath of the First World War and the rest of the 1920s, to demonstrate how interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism was not an isolated product of the 1930s. This work shows that anti-Semitism was endemic throughout much of the right-wing in early interwar Britain but became pushed further away from the mainstream as the decade progressed. This thesis adopts a comparative approach of comparing the actions and ideology of different sections of the British right-wing. The three sections that it is investigating are the “mainstream”, the “anti-alien/anti-Bolshevik” right and the “Jewish-obsessive” fringe. This comparative approach illustrates the types of anti-Semitism that were widespread throughout the British right-wing. Furthermore, it demonstrates which variants of anti-Semitism remained on the fringes. This thesis will steer away from only focusing on the virulently anti-Semitic, fringe organisations. The overemphasis on peripheral figures and openly fascistic groups when historians have glanced back at the 1920s helped lead to an exaggerated view that Britain was a tolerant haven in historiographical pieces, at least up until the 1980s. This thesis is using a wide range of primary sources, that are representative of the different sections of the British right-wing.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Rachel Patrick

<p>This thesis explores the topic of families during the First World War through a single New Zealand family and its social networks. The family at the core of the thesis, the Stewarts, were a well-to-do Dunedin family who moved in the most exclusive circles of colonial society. As members of the elite, and as prominent figures in the leadership of wartime patriotic organisations, they conceived of their wartime role as one of public benevolence and modelling patriotic virtue for others. Yet, like countless other families, their personal lives were shattered by the war. Drawing upon the extensive records left behind by the Stewart family, as well as associated archives, the thesis advances a number of larger arguments.  It is the overarching claim of this study that families – in their emotional, material and symbolic manifestations – formed an integral part of the war experience and provide a significant way of understanding this global event and its devastating human consequences. The Stewart family’s extensive surviving archive of personal correspondence provides a window into the innermost emotions, beliefs and values of the family’s individual members. Episodes in their wartime lives shape the wider thesis themes: the impact of family separations, grief and bereavement, religious faith, duty and patriotism, philanthropy, the lingering shadow of war disability – and the inflection of all of these by gender and class. Analysing the letters that the family exchanged with other correspondents demonstrates the embeddedness of family in larger networks of association, as well as identifying the aspects of their world view they shared with others in their predominantly middle- and upper-class circles. The records of patriotic organisations members of the family were associated with provide a means of examining how they translated their private beliefs into public influence.  The continual interplay between mobility and distance forms another of the study’s substantive themes. The distance created by the geographical separation between battlefronts and homefronts was a defining feature of the war for families in far-flung dominions such as New Zealand. But distance could be overcome by mobility: through the flow of things, money and people. Such movements, the thesis argues, blurred the boundaries between home and front. Thus, the correspondence members of the Stewart family exchanged during the war enabled them to sustain intimate ties across distance and helped them to mediate their own particular experience of wartime bereavement. The informal personal and kinship networks sustained by the female members of the family formed an important constituent of wartime benevolence, providing a conduit for the flow of information, goods and financial aid across national boundaries. During the war, the leadership of women’s patriotic organisations promoted an essentialised vision of feminine nature to justify their organisations’ separate existence and to stake a claim for women’s wider participation in the war effort. In doing so, they drew upon enlarged notions of kinship to argue that their female volunteers were uniquely qualified to bridge the distances of war, and to bring the emotional and practical comforts of home to frontline soldiers.  An alternative perspective to the Stewart family’s story of war is provided in this thesis through counterpoints from casefiles of the Otago Soldiers’ and Dependents’ Welfare Committee, with which the Stewarts were involved. Here, the economic interdependence and mutual reliance of working-class families is laid bare in ways that differ markedly from the experience of the Stewarts, but which nevertheless underscores the centrality of the family as an institution for people of all social backgrounds. For some families the geographical separation imposed by the exigencies of war proved insurmountable. The very different kinds of families in this thesis illustrate that whether through their successes, or the sometimes dire consequences of their failures, families are nonetheless indispensable to understanding the First World War.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 181-190
Author(s):  
Siobhán Hearne

This chapter provides a summary of the key arguments of the book: that reactions to regulation were complicated and multifaceted; that regulation varied widely from place to place; and that there was a huge gulf between the ambitions of the tsarist authorities for policing prostitution, and the corresponding reality. Thereafter, the chapter examines the abolition of the regulation system in July 1917 by the Provisional Government. The social and economic dislocation of the First World War, revolution, and Civil War undoubtedly saw many more women engaging in prostitution. After seizing power from the Provisional Government in October 1917, the Bolsheviks set out to eradicate prostitution as they regarded it as an unwanted remnant of the bourgeois, capitalist past. However, prejudices against women who worked as prostitutes that had been established under the regulation system were difficult to shift, particularly the perception that women who sold sex were responsible for the transmission of venereal diseases. These stubborn ideas meant that attempts to eliminate prostitution in the early Soviet period were destined to be unsuccessful.


2020 ◽  
pp. 334-339

It is common wisdom, both in scholarly historiography and in hagiography, that Ze’ev Jabotinsky was the founding father of the Israeli Right. In fact, as Colin Shindler’s excellent book proves, Jabotinsky adopted a right-wing world view only in the 1920s. Prior to the First World War, while undoubtedly a Zionist, he was also a man of cosmopolitan views. It was during a sojourn in Italy that he was caught up in the spirit of nationalism; Garibaldi’s influence was prior to Herzl’s. Moreover, whereas Jabotinsky’s heirs, Menachem Begin most prominently, paid lip service to his heritage, they were not entirely his disciples. Jabotinsky’s thinking largely lost its relevance in the face of the changing historical circumstances in which Begin and others operated. And so, with the passage of years following Jabotinsky’s death in 1940, there was an ever-lessened sense of obligation to the leader and his legacy....


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (165) ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Lili Zách

AbstractOffering new insights into Irish links with the wider world, this article explores and contextualises Irish nationalist perceptions of and links with central European small states in the immediate aftermath of the First World War. The belief that any small nation like Ireland, oppressed by a dominant neighbour, had the right to self-determination was of key importance in nationalist political rhetoric during the revolutionary years. Given the similarity of circumstances among newly independent small states, Irish commentators were aware of the struggles Ireland shared with the successors of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Personal encounters on the continent, as well as news regarding small nations in central Europe, shaped Irish opinions of the region. Certainly, the images presented by Irish commentators reflected their own political agendas and were therefore often deliberately idealistic. Nonetheless, they served a specific purpose as they were meant to further Ireland's interest on the international stage. Looking beyond Ireland for lessons and examples to follow became a frequent part of Irish nationalist political rhetoric. By directing scholarly attention to a hitherto less explored aspect of Irish historiography, this article aims to highlight the complexity of Ireland's connection with the continent within the framework of small nations, from a transnational perspective.


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