Pan-Islamism in the Malay States and British Reaction (1912-1918)

This article analyses the growing of Pan-Islamism in the Malay States during the First World War. Before the First World War broke out, the British government in the Malay States adopt diplomatic relations with various countries. This policy allows other countries to have economic and social relations with the Malay States. Turkey is one of the countries that have good relations with the British and hence are allowed to have diplomatic relations with the Malay States. Pan-Islamism began to become a problem when a group of young intellectuals in Turkey sparked the idea and movement of a universal Islamic union. As a result, Pan-Islamism has begun to spread across the Malay States. This movement influenced the Muslim community to support the Turkish government on the principle of universal unity of Muslims. Although the British realized that the growing support of Pan-Islamism are able to affect the loyalty of the people in the Malay States against the British but the British can not restrict the entry of Turkish missionaries or traders to come to the Malay States. This is because the British still have good relations with Turkey. As a result, Pan-Islamism continues to grow in the Malay States until the First World War broke out in 1914. As such, this article assesses the extent of the Pan-Islamism impact on the growing of Pan-Islamism in the Malay States during the First World War. This study uses qualitative research methods by examining primary sources such as the Straits Settlements Annual Report documents and the files of the British High Commissioner’s Office. The results prove that Pan-Islamism has been accepted by the people of the Malay States, but the support was brought under control by the British throughout the First World War.

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100 years of Carte Rouge – a Hungarian ethnographical map by Pál Teleki

Abstracts of the ICA ◽

10.5194/ica-abs-1-328-2019 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 1 ◽

pp. 1-2

Author(s):

Dániel Zoltán Segyevy

Keyword(s):

First World War ◽

Critical Approach ◽

World War ◽

Geographical Society ◽

Peace Negotiations ◽

Professional Recognition ◽

The People ◽

The First World War ◽

To Come ◽

First World

Abstract. The Carte Rouge is one of the most notorious Hungarian ethnographical maps to date. The map was planned and executed by Count Pál Teleki (1879&ndash;1941) in 1918. Teleki, who was the chief secretary of the Hungarian Geographical Society, later served as the prime minister of Hungary twice within his political career. The first edition of this particular map was published on the 21st of February in 1919. Teleki played a central role in arranging, ascribing and allocating Hungarian geographical works for the peace-negotiations following the First World War. The term “Carte Rouge”, derives from the French; critiquing the subjective colouring of the map. During this period of time, political correspondents and those in power were responsible for planning such maps in order to support their own political programs with regards to their respective national ties and territorial claims.The red pockets on the map signify areas which designate nationality, ethnicity, and language claims, on the part of both the locals and/or the author of the map. Particularly of note, is that this map was viewed and used by the leading politicians of the Entente-powers.On the 16th of January in 1920, the day on which the Hungarian delegations received the peace terms of the First World War, Albert Aponyi gave a speech of significant weight in front of the Entente representatives in Paris, after the peace terms were received. Aponyi (1846&ndash;1933), who was the head of the Hungarian delegation, showed this particular map to those present at this meeting following his speech, as justification and proof of his points. Apponyi sent the map to Teleki and to the members of various delegations. Isaiah Bowman (1878&ndash;1950), for example, also had a private copy of the map. Bowman's critique of Teleki's ethnographical map is most significant in this discussion:„This idea has occurred to me since examining a map by Count Teleki which gives altogether a wrong impression of the distribution of Magyars in Transylvania that we ought to keep a fairly good collection of propaganda maps, of which I have here several very striking examples, and sometime after I return I should like to write a little paper on the various types of lies and liars that I met in this form of cartography. It would be good popular education, because so many people regard what appears on a map as gospel truth, and almost none of the people, who print maps, understand map technique sufficiently well to distinguish between the various principles followed in the construction of maps. (…).”It is not certain as to whether Bowman was indeed writing about this particular map, however Teleki had at that point and time-edited no other ethnographical map. Others, for example, the Austrian Randolf Rungaldier (1892&ndash;1981) had a very positive opinion about the Carte Rouge.In total, and to the best of my knowledge, the Carte Rouge has 12 editions and 27 various versions.In the following analysis, I will consider how the Carte Rouge can be compared to other, similar international examples of the region, based on archival research I conducted in Paris, London, Budapest and Milwaukee. For instance, Emmanuel de Martonne (1873&ndash;1955), who also adopted a critical approach to the Carte Rouge, planned a comparable ethnographical map of Romania. This map used another method of cartographic representation; nonetheless, the various territorial concepts designated by the colour-selection, the borders and the represented (and not represented) territories are facets that have similar features.Later Teleki &ndash; as member of the Mossul-Commission &ndash; designed an ethnographical map of the Turkish-Iraqi border-area, which afforded him international professional recognition. The method of cartographic representation was the same, as was utilized in the creation of the Carte Rouge.Resultantly, the Carte Rouge inspired the production of other ethnographical maps in Hungary as well as in other countries. In Hungary, Ferenc Fodor (1887&ndash;1962) &ndash; as the member of the Hungarian Peace-Preparation Office (Béke-előkészítő Iroda) &ndash; edited a manuscript map about Central-Europe using the same "representing-method". This map was published under the name of G. Bery in 1938. A part of this map was also reused as a propaganda poster. Later, during the Second World War Imre Jakabffy (1915&ndash;2006) continued this form of mapping with a slightly modified version of this method of cartographic representation at the Institute of Political Science (Államtudományi Intézet) in Budapest. Subsequently, other ethnographical maps were edited using this method of cartographic representation by the French and by Romanians.In sum, this map was a typical product of the period, as it supported a particular territorial concept. The opinions about the map &ndash; not independent from the political context &ndash; were very differential in form. Regardless, this method of cartographic representation had an extended international carrier in the fields of geography and cartography for years to come afterwards.

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Stowaways at Bohemia's Shores: Undocumented Emigration and People-Smuggling Networks in Interwar East Central Europe

Central European History ◽

10.1017/s0008938919000906 ◽

2020 ◽

Vol 53 (3) ◽

pp. 564-583

Author(s):

Allison Schmidt

Keyword(s):

Central Europe ◽

The United States ◽

First World War ◽

World War ◽

East Central Europe ◽

East Central ◽

The People ◽

The First World War ◽

Migrant Smuggling ◽

First World

AbstractThis article investigates interwar people-smuggling networks, based in Germany and Czechoslovakia, that transported undocumented emigrants across borders from east-central Europe to northern Europe, where the travelers planned to sail to the United States. Many of the people involved in such networks in the Saxon-Bohemian borderlands had themselves been immigrants from Galicia. They had left a homeland decimated by the First World War and subsequent violence and entered societies with limited avenues to earn a living. The “othering” of these Galician immigrants became a self-fulfilling prophecy, as those on the margins of society then sought illegal ways to supplement their income. This article concludes that the poor economic conditions and threat of ongoing violence that spurred migrant clients to seek undocumented passage had driven their smugglers, who also faced social marginalization, to emigration and the business of migrant smuggling.

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Changes in state-society relations from the First World War to the National Independence Struggle (1914-1923)

Turkish Historical Review ◽

10.1163/187754612x638192 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 3 (1) ◽

pp. 19-41

Author(s):

Gülsüm Polat

Keyword(s):

First World War ◽

World War ◽

Social State ◽

The People ◽

The First World War ◽

First World

This article compares and contrasts state-society relations during wartime, first under the Ottoman government during the First World War and, secondly, under the Ankara government during the National War of Liberation, and concludes that while the Ottoman government did attempt to address the great hardships faced by the population in this period, the Ankara government placed more emphasis both on the importance of the people, the halk, and on the development of a social state.

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Socio-economic situation in Vienna during the First World War 1916–1918.

Historical and social-educational ideas ◽

10.17748/2075-9908-2021-13-2-175-182 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 13 (2) ◽

pp. 175-182

Author(s):

Rashid A. Nadirov ◽

Keyword(s):

Economic Status ◽

First World War ◽

Political Regime ◽

Food Crisis ◽

World War ◽

The People ◽

The First World War ◽

Key Factor ◽

The Government ◽

First World

This article addresses the problem of socio-economic status of the Austro-Hungarian capital Vienna in the second period of the First World War - 1916-1918. Much attention is paid to the consequences of the war: the food crisis, the deficit, the rise in prices for basic necessities, speculation, protests, etc. It shows the transformation of the mood of the Viennese society in the conditions of the growing economic crisis. The food issue directly affected the quality of life of the residents of the capital, who were in difficult wartime conditions, and largely influenced their attitude to the current government. In this study, the task was to analyze the relationship between the government and the people and to find out why the people of Vienna, who had initially been patriotic and united around the monarchy, had joined the opposition by 1916. The author concludes that the food crisis, against the backdrop of the inaction of the government, which has used only the practice of prohibitions and restrictions on the civilian population, has become a key factor in exacerbating protests and leading to the overthrow of the political regime and the collapse of the monarchy.

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British Right-Wing Anti-semitism, 1918-1930.

10.46289/hs65lm41 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

◽

Oliver Brown

Keyword(s):

First World War ◽

Primary Sources ◽

Comparative Approach ◽

Right Wing ◽

World War ◽

Anti Semitism ◽

Wide Range ◽

The First World War ◽

The Right ◽

First World

This thesis investigates the prevalence of anti-Semitism in the British right-wing between the years of 1918 and 1930. It aims to redress the imbalance of studies on interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism that are skewed towards the 1930s, Oswald Mosley and the British Union of Fascists. This thesis is the first to focus exclusively on the immediate aftermath of the First World War and the rest of the 1920s, to demonstrate how interwar British right-wing anti-Semitism was not an isolated product of the 1930s. This work shows that anti-Semitism was endemic throughout much of the right-wing in early interwar Britain but became pushed further away from the mainstream as the decade progressed. This thesis adopts a comparative approach of comparing the actions and ideology of different sections of the British right-wing. The three sections that it is investigating are the “mainstream”, the “anti-alien/anti-Bolshevik” right and the “Jewish-obsessive” fringe. This comparative approach illustrates the types of anti-Semitism that were widespread throughout the British right-wing. Furthermore, it demonstrates which variants of anti-Semitism remained on the fringes. This thesis will steer away from only focusing on the virulently anti-Semitic, fringe organisations. The overemphasis on peripheral figures and openly fascistic groups when historians have glanced back at the 1920s helped lead to an exaggerated view that Britain was a tolerant haven in historiographical pieces, at least up until the 1980s. This thesis is using a wide range of primary sources, that are representative of the different sections of the British right-wing.

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The Secret of Efficiency? Social Relations and Patronage in the British Army in the Era of the First World War*

The English Historical Review ◽

10.1093/ehr/ceaa258 ◽

2020 ◽

Author(s):

Aimée Fox

Keyword(s):

Social History ◽

Social Relations ◽

Armed Forces ◽

First World War ◽

British Army ◽

Hierarchical Systems ◽

World War ◽

The Social ◽

The First World War ◽

First World

Abstract In recent years, the social history of armed forces has done much to reconstruct the experience of soldiering. However, remarkably few studies focus explicitly upon the social and political relations that play a central role in how armies behave. This article aims to understand the British Army in the era of the First World War in terms of its informal and formal organisation, exploring and interrogating the connections and relationships between individuals and the structures within which they operate. Using the concept of patronage as a lens, it will demonstrate how social relationships were able to offer alternatives to purely hierarchical systems of administration. Rather than simple favouritism, for a variety of reasons these processes functioned along meritocratic lines, enabling the Army to adopt pragmatic and innovative solutions to the challenges of the First World War.

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WAR AND PEACE: ARTHUR CECIL PIGOU AS A PUBLIC INTELLECTUAL DURING WORLD WAR I

Journal of the History of Economic Thought ◽

10.1017/s1053837219000567 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 1-18

Author(s):

Rogério Arthmar ◽

Michael McLure

Keyword(s):

World War I ◽

First World War ◽

Public Intellectual ◽

Peace Treaty ◽

War And Peace ◽

World War ◽

Full Circle ◽

The First World War ◽

To Come ◽

First World

This study reflects on Arthur Cecil Pigou’s role in public debate during the initial phase of the First World War over whether Britain should negotiate a peace treaty with Germany. Its main goal is to provide evidence that the “Cambridge Professor” framed his approach to this highly controversial issue from theoretical propositions on trade, industrial peace, and welfare that he had developed in previous works. After reviewing his contributions on these subjects, Pigou’s letter to The Nation in early 1915, suggesting an open move by the Allies towards an honorable peace with Germany, is presented along with his more elaborate thoughts on this same theme put down in a private manuscript. The negative reactions to Pigou’s letter are then scrutinized, particularly the fierce editorial published by The Morning Post. A subsequent version of Pigou’s plea for peace, delivered in his London speech late in 1915, is detailed, listing the essential conditions for a successful conclusion of the conflict. To come full circle, the paper recapitulates Pigou’s postwar considerations on diplomacy, free trade, and colonialism. The concluding remarks bring together the theoretical and applied branches of Pigou’s thoughts on war and peace.

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The ‘Great War’ in Il Plata: Italian Immigrants in Buenos Aires and Montevideo During the First World War

Journal of Migration History ◽

10.1163/23519924-00201003 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 2 (1) ◽

pp. 57-92 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

John Starosta Galante

Keyword(s):

Social Relations ◽

Buenos Aires ◽

First World War ◽

World War ◽

Military Recruitment ◽

Italian Immigration ◽

The First World War ◽

Italian Immigrants ◽

The Great War ◽

First World

This paper examines the actions of Italian immigrants in Buenos Aires and Montevideo to support Italy’s mobilisation during the First World War. It focuses on immigrant institutions that participated in activities including military recruitment and welfare collections to assist the Italian side. It also investigates ways Italian immigrants collaborated across the Río de la Plata to mobilise war-related resources. Through its analysis, this article narrows in on a neglected period of time in Italian immigration historiography and uncovers ways events in Italy might have affected immigrant behaviours. It explores the degree of integration that existed between these two communities and within a transnational immigrant network built around ‘Italian’ notions of belonging. More broadly, this paper illustrates the value of scholarly focus on periods of crisis in immigrant homelands. The study of such periods helps advance understandings of social relations within immigrant communities and the transnational networks in which immigrants are situated.

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Institutional reversals and economic growth: Palestine 1516–1948

Journal of Institutional Economics ◽

10.1017/s1744137411000385 ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 8 (1) ◽

pp. 119-141 ◽

Cited By ~ 7

Author(s):

ANDREW SCHEIN

Keyword(s):

Economic Growth ◽

Private Property ◽

18Th Century ◽

First World War ◽

World War ◽

The People ◽

The First World War ◽

The Right ◽

The 19Th Century ◽

First World

Abstract:This study examines the type and quality of institutions in Palestine and the correlation between the institutions and economic growth in Palestine from 1516 to 1948. Initially in the 16th century, with the Ottoman conquest of the area, institutions in Palestine involved de facto private user-rights. The level of expropriation by elites was low, and this enabled the people to develop the lands that they had acquired the right to cultivate. In the 17th and 18th centuries, with the exception of the Galilee in the middle of the 18th century, institutions became extractive due to tax farming, rapacious governors and Bedouin raids. From the middle of the 19th century until 1948, there was a second reversal back to private property institutions, first slowly until the First World War, and then more rapidly under the British Mandate after the First World War. When there were private property institutions the economy prospered, while when there were extractive institutions, the economy stagnated.

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Prehistoric Research in Switzerland, 1939–1945

Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society ◽

10.1017/s0079497x00019691 ◽

1947 ◽

Vol 13 ◽

pp. 170-174

Author(s):

Karl Keller-Tarnuzzer

Keyword(s):

First World War ◽

National Museum ◽

Archaeological Research ◽

World War ◽

Foreign Markets ◽

Men And Women ◽

Good Fortune ◽

The People ◽

The First World War ◽

First World

Although Switzerland and its population had the good fortune to be spared from the second as from the first world war, it was not possible to continue archaeological research from 1939–1945 on a peace-time footing. The mobilisation of the people for guarding the frontiers, the closing of the foreign markets and the drive for greater production absorbed so many men and women, that cultural pursuits had of necessity to be curtailed. Foremost in the efforts to maintain a certain level of research were the Swiss Prehistoric Society and the Swiss National Museum, but in this work they were assisted by local museums of all grades.

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