scholarly journals Valence Secession? Voting Shocks and Independence Support in Scotland

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 399-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Liñeira
Keyword(s):  
Cost Benefit ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Main Determinants ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Levels Of Support

National identifications, cues from political actors, and cost-benefit calculations have been pointed as the main determinants of secession preferences. However, a recent surge in independence support in Scotland suggests that abrupt political changes may also affect these preferences: Brexit and the differentiated management of the Covid-19 pandemic by the UK and the Scottish governments are named as causes of the first independence sustained majority registered by polling in Scotland. In this article, I discuss how voting shocks may affect the levels of support for independence, revise the evidence that sustains these claims, and analyse how they have changed the profile of the pro-independence voter. The effect of these questions has substantial implications for a possible second independence referendum in Scotland, as well as for the broader debate on the sources of secession support.

Snowballing or wilting? What affects public support for varying models of basic income?

2020 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 223-236
Author(s):  
Joe Chrisp ◽  
Ville-Veikko Pulkka ◽  
Leire Rincón García
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Survey Design ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Basic Income ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Levels Of Support

AbstractRecently, the idea of a universal basic income has received unprecedented attention from policymakers, the media and the wider public. This has inspired a plethora of surveys that seek to measure the extent of public support for the policy, many of which suggest basic income is surprisingly popular. However, in a review of past surveys, with a focus on the UK and Finland, we find that overall levels of support for basic income can vary considerably. We highlight the importance of survey design and, by employing new survey data in each country, compare the levels and determinants of support for varied models of basic income. Our results point to the importance of the multi-dimensionality of basic income and the fragility of public support for the idea. The findings suggest that the ability of political actors to mobilise the public in favour of basic income will eventually depend on the precise model they wish to implement.

İngiltere’den Türkiye’ye ‘Düzensiz’ Göçmen Dövizi Gönderme Davranışının Nedenleri Üzerine Nitel Bir İnceleme

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Fethiye Tilbe
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Values ◽  
Host Country ◽  
Regulatory Framework ◽  
Face To Face ◽  
Migrant Communities ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Main Determinants ◽  
Money Transfers ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Migrant Groups

Bu makale, göçmen dövizi  akımlarında “düzensizlik” olarak ifade ettiğimiz, Türkiye’ye resmi kanallar dışında gönderilen enformel  göçmen dövizlerini, Birleşik Krallık’ta (özellikle Londra’da) yaşayan Türkiye kökenli göçmenler açısından incelemektedir. Her göçmen grubu, gerek ev sahibi ülkedeki düzenleyici çerçeve ve sosyo-ekonomik koşullar, gerek göçmen topluluğunun sosyo-kültürel değerleri tarafından belirlenen biçimde, farklı göçmen dövizi transfer biçimlerine eğilim sergilemektedir. Dolayısıyla farklı ülkelerdeki aynı kökenden göçmen toplulukları, ev sahibi ülkedeki dinamikler nedeniyle göçmen dövizlerinin formel ya da enformel (düzenli ya da düzensiz) gönderiminde farklılaşabilirken, aynı ülkedeki farklı ülke kökenli göçmen grupları da pek çok örüntünün etkisiyle farklı eğilim gösterebilmektedir. Nitel araştırma tasarımı kapsamında 27 göçmen ve 7 anahtar statüdeki katılımcıyla gerçekleştirilen yüz yüze görüşmelere dayalı olan bu çalışma, Birleşik Krallık’tan Türkiye’ye göçmen dövizi gönderimindeki düzensizlik olgusunu, her iki ülkenin sosyal, ekonomik ve kültürel dinamikleriyle ilişkilendirerek incelemeyi ve nedenlerini ortaya çıkarmayı amaç edinmektedir. Elde edilen sonuçlar, göçmenlik statüsü, gönderilen para miktar ve sıklığı ile geleneksel ilişki ağlarına olan güvenin yanında, Birleşik Krallık’taki sosyal yardım ve çalışma biçimine ilişkinin düzenleyici çerçevenin ve göçmenlerin sosyo-ekonomik durumlarının Türkiye’ye enformel göçmen dövizi gönderiminde temel belirleyici olduğunu ortaya koymaktadır.ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHA Qualitative Examination of Determinants of Remittances Sending Behaviour Among Immigrants from Turkey in the UKThis article examines the causes of irregularity in remittances flows from the United Kingdom (UK) to Turkey, from the perspective of migrants from Turkey living in the UK. Each group of migrants prefers different types of remittance sending methods, as determined by the regulatory framework and socio-economic conditions in the host country and the socio-cultural values of the migrant community. Therefore, migrant communities of the same origin in different countries may differ in using formal or informal sending methods of remittances due to the dynamics in the host country. Similarly, migrant groups of different nationalities in the same country may show different tendencies due to the influence of many patterns. Similarly, migrant groups of different nationalities in the same country may show different tendencies due to the influence of many patterns. This study aims to examine the phenomenon of irregularities in sending remittances by associating with the social, economic and cultural dynamics of both countries. For this purpose, face-to-face in-depth interviews were conducted with 27 immigrants and 7 key status participants by using qualitative research method. The obtained results reveal that the regulatory framework relating to social assistance and labour market in the UK, immigration status, the frequency and the amount of money sent and confidence in traditional relationship networks is the main determinants of informal money transfers to Turkey.

Greater acceptability, lower compensations required? The impact of perceived net benefits on willingness to accept nuclear energy projects

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Davide Contu ◽  
Elgilani Eltahir Elshareif
Keyword(s):  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
Nuclear Energy ◽  
Cost Benefit ◽  
Willingness To Accept ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Nuclear Plants ◽  
Energy Projects ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Support Cost

Purpose This paper aims to estimate willingness to accept (WTA) hypothetical nuclear energy projects and the impact of net perceived benefits across three countries: Italy, a country without nuclear plants in operation; the UK, a country with nuclear plants in operation and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which has more recently opted for the inclusion of nuclear energy in its energy mix. These valuations can support cost-benefit analyses by allowing policymakers to account for additional benefits and costs which would be otherwise neglected. Design/methodology/approach Data collection was conducted through online nationwide surveys, for a total of over 4,000 individuals sampled from Italy, the UK and the UAE. The surveys included choice experiments designed to elicit preferences towards nuclear energy in the form of WTA, indicating estimated compensations for welfare worsening changes and questions to measure perceived risks and benefits. Findings The average WTA/Km is the lowest for the case of the UAE. What is more, perceived net positive benefits tend to decrease the WTA required by the UAE respondents? Moreover, across the cases, albeit to a lesser extent with regard to Italy’s case, there is evidence that a more positive benefit perception seems to increase the valuation of environmental and public benefits offered as part of the experiment. Originality/value The contribution of this study is primarily twofold: first, it provides a comparison of WTA values in a context where the availability of choice experiment data is scant; second, it assesses whether and to what extent perceived net positive benefits of nuclear energy impact WTA of nuclear energy projects.

scholarly journals Problematizing the presentation and reception of political brands

2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 190-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Pich ◽  
Guja Armannsdottir ◽  
Dianne Dean ◽  
Louise Spry ◽  
Varsha Jain
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Young Voters ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Brand Meaning ◽  
Elite Interviews ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Internal Stakeholders

Purpose There are explicit calls for research devoted to how political actors present their brand to the electorate and how this is interpreted. Responding to this, the purpose of this paper is to build an understanding of how political brand messages and values are received and aligned with voter expectations, which in turn shapes the consistency of a political brand. Design/methodology/approach Using an interpretivist perspective, this two-stage approach first focuses on semi-structured interviews with internal stakeholders of the UK Conservative Party and second uses focus group discussions with external stakeholders (voters) of age 18-24 years. Data was collected between 1 December 2014 and 6 May 2015. Findings The findings suggest that the UK Conservative brand had recovered from the “nasty party” reputation. Further, the Conservative brand was perceived as credible, trustworthy and responsible, with positive associations of “economic competence”. However, while the nasty party imagery has declined, the UK Conservative brand continues to face challenges particularly in terms of longstanding negative associations perceived by both internal and external markets. Research limitations/implications It must be acknowledged that all research methods have their own limitations, and acknowledging these will strengthen the ability to draw conclusions. In this study, for example, due to time constraints during the election campaign period, 7 participants supported stage one of the study and 25 participants supported stage two of the study. However, participants from stage one of the study represented all three elements of the UK Conservative Party (Parliamentary, Professional and Voluntary). In addition, the elite interviews were longer in duration and this provided a greater opportunity to capture detailed stories of their life experiences and how this affected their brand relationship. Similarly, participants for stage two focussed on young voters of age 18-24 years, a segment actively targeted by the UK Conservative Party. Practical implications The brand alignment framework can help practitioners illuminate components of the political brand and how it is interpreted by the electorate. The increasing polarisation in politics has made this a vital area for study, as we see need to understand if, how or why citizens are persuaded by a more polarised brand message. There are also social media issues for the political brand which can distort the carefully constructed brand. There are opportunities to evaluate and operationalize this framework in other political contexts. Originality/value The brand alignment model extends current branding theory first by building on an understanding of the complexities of creating brand meaning, second, by operationalizing differences between the brand and how it is interpreted by the electorate, finally, by identifying if internal divisions within the political party pose a threat to the consistency of the brand.

scholarly journals Smart city as anti-planning in the UK

2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 428-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Cowley ◽  
Federico Caprotti
Keyword(s):  
Smart City ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Urban Governance ◽  
Sustainable Urban Development ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Local Practices ◽  
Traditional Technologies ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Century Science

Critical commentaries have often treated the smart city as a potentially problematic ‘top down’ tendency within policy-making and urban planning, which appears to serve the interests of already powerful corporate and political actors. This article, however, positions the smart city as significant in its implicit rejection of the strong normativity of traditional technologies of planning, in favour of an ontology of efficiency and emergence. It explores a series of prominent UK smart city initiatives (in Bristol, Manchester and Milton Keynes) as bundles of experimental local practices, drawing on the literature pointing to a growing valorisation of the ‘experimental’ over strong policy commitments in urban governance. It departs from this literature, however, by reading contemporary ‘smart experiments’ through Shapin and Schafer’s work on the emergence of 17th-century science, to advance a transhistorical understanding of experimentation as oriented towards societal reordering. From this perspective, the UK smart city merits attention primarily as an indicator of a wider set of shifts in approaches to governance. Its pragmatic orientation sits uneasily alongside ambitions to ‘standardise’ smart and sustainable urban development; and raises questions about the conscious overlap between the stated practical ambitions of smart city initiatives and pre-existing environmental and social policies.

Costing for ALARP

2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sirous F. Yasseri ◽  
Peter Menhennett
Keyword(s):  
Risk Reduction ◽  
Cost Benefit Analysis ◽  
Health And Safety ◽  
Cost Benefit ◽  
Benefit Analysis ◽  
Safety Level ◽  
Risk Reduction Measure ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Design Options ◽  
The Cost

A key principle for achieving Tolerable Risk under the UK Health and Safety Executive’s (HSE) approach is the reduction of risks to “As Low As Reasonably Practicable” or ALARP. This principle is founded on the ideal of reducing risks to a point of diminishing returns where additional risk reduction would cost “disproportionally” more than the risk reduction benefit achieved. The HSE approach of estimating the degree of disproportionality between the cost and benefits associated with a potential risk reduction measure is a variation of the Cost Effectiveness approach to ALARP Evaluation. A probabilistic cost-benefit analysis method is outlined for evaluating design options and establishing whether the conditions of ALARP are met. This paper demonstrates the value of probabilistic cost-benefit analysis for the selection of a target safety level and also presents an example of its practical application by way of a case history.

scholarly journals Change in work-family reconciliation policy in France and the UK since 2008: the influence of economic crisis and austerity

2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-72
Author(s):  
Jan Windebank
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Parental Leave ◽  
Policy Area ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Face ◽  
Path Dependent ◽  
Work Family ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Economic Constraints

This article compares work-family reconciliation policy since 2008 in two contrasting case-study countries, namely France and the UK, and investigates how post-2008 economic circumstances and austerity measures have interacted with other policy drivers to influence the extent and shape of change in this policy area in these countries. The article demonstrates that work-family reconciliation policy in both countries has been resilient in the face of economic and budgetary problems and progress has been made albeit from different starting points and in path-dependent ways to “degender” parental leave and to improve the affordability of and access to childcare particularly for those on lower incomes. However, it also reveals that in both countries, despite partisan consensus on the need to further develop policy, a combination of economic constraints and the opposition to reform of key social and political actors has put a brake on change.

Cost benefit analysis of bovine mastitis in the UK

1992 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harvey S. Beck ◽  
William S. Wise ◽  
Frank H. Dodd
Keyword(s):  
Cost Benefit Analysis ◽  
Bovine Mastitis ◽  
Cost Benefit ◽  
Clinical Mastitis ◽  
Control Measures ◽  
Annual Number ◽  
Financial Benefit ◽  
Precise Knowledge ◽  
Control Procedures ◽  
The Uk

SummaryBovine mastitis reduces the yield and quality of milk and increases the rate of culling and veterinary costs. This reduces the profitability of farm milk production but the calculation of the extent of this economic loss is complex because of the many factors involved and deficiencies in the evidence on the relationship between the disease and various production factors. This paper examines the available evidence for the UK and provides a consistent analytical framework within which the benefits arising from reduced mastitis in dairy herds constrained by quota can be considered. It is estimated that since 1970 the farms that have followed the recommended control procedures have reduced the average annual number of cases of clinical mastitis from 135 to 40 cases/100 cows each year, while the quarters remaining uninfected for a whole year has increased from 65 to 80% of the total quarters. The costs of the main control procedures (e.g. £8–60/cow for dry-cow therapy and teat dipping or spraying) are broadly covered by the reduction in clinical mastitis, leaving the benefits of reduced subclinical infection (e.g. £3810 for a 100 cow herd unconstrained by quota and achieving the average reduction in infection) as a substantial bonus. The imposition of quotas reduces the financial benefit of mastitis control but it still remains a worthwhile investment. The results of this analysis can be used to suggest maximum costs of additional new control measures produced by research. It also indicates that there is considerable value in production research which gives more precise knowledge of production Systems, thus allowing producers to respond optimally to quota cuts.

Evaluating environmental benefits from changes in water abstraction and waste water disposal

Water Policy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 439-458
Author(s):  
K. G. Willis
Keyword(s):  
Cost Benefit ◽  
Environmental Benefits ◽  
Water Abstraction ◽  
Institutional Practice ◽  
The Public ◽  
Water Disposal ◽  
Water Companies ◽  
The Government ◽  
Environment Agency ◽  
The Uk

Water companies are regional monopolies in the UK. The minimum standards of service and prices they can charge for water supply and sewage, are set by the government and the regulator OFWAT. This paper outlines the scope for the Environment Agency (EA) to impose higher standards on water companies than the statutory minimum, in order to generate greater environmental benefits. It investigates how the inappropriate application of the technique to assess environmental benefits by the EA leads to too many environmental schemes passing a cost–benefit test and hence how too much investment may be channelled into environmental schemes in relation to the benefits the public really receive from the improvements. By inappropriate application of environmental valuation methods, the EA is shaping public policy through institutional practice.

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