scholarly journals Post-colonial agricultural participation in livelihood strengthening

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. e772144
Author(s):  
Chigozie Azunna

Post-colonial agricultural initiatives, programmes and models in Nigeria are aimed at empowering rural farmers to better yields and productivity while creating employment at community level. It necessitates food security, quality domestic food production and improvement in general welfare and livelihood and the farmers. The post-colonial era in Nigeria has witnessed numerous agricultural programmes. Example includes but not the least, the National Accelerated Food Production Project (NAFPP) 1972, Agricultural Development Projects, ADPs 1975, the Accelerated Development Area Project ADAP 1982, and the Multi-state Agricultural Development Projects MSADP 1986. The application of PEA in AVM ensures that positive outcomes and productions are expected through increase in farmers' awareness of modern technologies and practices. AVM is a multidisciplinary and multidimensional approach to improve the livelihood of rice farmers. Structured questionnaire and face to face interview were used to collect the data and SPSS was used to analyse the data. Human livelihood capital is characterized as a two-way thing, that is, it is concerned with both environmental influence on human life and human influences on the environment, focusing on the nature and quality of the relationship that exists between human communities and the ecosystem and how the environment provides the resource base for human existence. AVM prompted a shift from the usual way of financing farm projects to government involvement and providing farmers with information on how to secure loans, credit and financial incentives. Therefore, the study conclude that the introduction and adoption of AVM brought about substantial changes to the farmers livelihood capitals.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 539-552
Author(s):  
Bolaji Omitola ◽  
Olawale Olufemi Akinrinde ◽  
Adetola Omitola

Traditional institutions held pre-eminence positions in the pre-colonial societies in Nigeria. The level of order witnessed during this period was a testimony to the invaluable roles played by the traditional rulers in administering their different empires, kingdoms and communities. However, during the colonial era, the position of traditional rulers was compromised as they became mere stooges of the colonial power. The post-colonial period saw the traditional rulers’ roles diminished as they were given advisory roles in previous constitutions and with no single role in the 1999 Constitution. Thus, for the continuous relevance of the traditional institutions, there is a need for re-examination of their roles in the country. This chapter argues for community based developmental roles for the traditional rulers in the country. These include promotion of tourism development, encouraging modern agricultural development, maintenance of peaceful co-existence among the people of their domain and settlers from other parts of the country, providing platform for alternative dispute resolution, monitoring the activities of the various vigilante groups and other unconventional security apparatus in their communities and lastly partnering the security operatives through intelligence gathering within their domains for effective operations of security outfits in serving the people better.


Author(s):  
L. Li ◽  

Being over-dependent on imports, China has been faced with the problem of food insufficiency in recent years.This paper, with the adoption of the indicators of agricultural development and relevant models, aims to explore factors affecting food security in China, in particular, technological elements. The findings demonstrate that technology plays a vital role in improving food production. It is recommended to increase the input of science and technology and improve agricultural mechanization.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-35
Author(s):  
Adebukola Dagunduro ◽  
Adebimpe Adenugba

AbstractWomen’s activism within various ethnic groups in Nigeria dates back to the pre-colonial era, with notable heroic leaders, like Moremi of Ife, Amina of Zaria, Emotan of Benin, Funmilayo Kuti, Margaret Ekpo and many others. The participation of Nigerian women in the Beijing Conference of 1995 led to a stronger voice for women in the political landscape. Several women’s rights groups have sprung up in the country over the years. Notable among them are the Federation of Nigerian Women’s Societies (FNWS), Women in Nigeria (WIN), Kudirat Initiative for Democracy (KIND) and Female in Nigeria (FIN). However, majority have failed to actualize significant political, social or economic growth. This paper examines the challenges and factors leading to their inability to live up to people’s expectations. Guided by patriarchy and liberal feminism theories, this paper utilizes both historical and descriptive methods to examine these factors. The paper argues that a lack of solidarity among women’s groups, financial constraints, unfavourable political and social practices led to the inability of women’s groups in Nigeria to live up to the envisaged expectations. The paper concludes that, for women’s activist groups to survive in Nigeria, a quiet but significant social revolution is necessary among women. Government should also formulate and implement policies that will empower women politically, economically and socially.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402199717
Author(s):  
Joan Ricart-Huguet

Political elites tend to favor their home region when distributing resources. But what explains how political power is distributed across a country’s regions to begin with? Explanations of cabinet formation focus on short-term strategic bargaining and some emphasize that ministries are allocated equitably to minimize conflict. Using new data on the cabinet members (1960–2010) of 16 former British and French African colonies, I find that some regions have been systematically much more represented than others. Combining novel historical and geospatial records, I show that this regional political inequality derives not from colonial-era development in general but from colonial-era education in particular. I argue that post-colonial ministers are partly a byproduct of civil service recruitment practices among European administrators that focused on levels of literacy. Regional political inequality is an understudied pathway through which colonial legacies impact distributive politics and unequal development in Africa today. JEL: F54, I26, N37, N47


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
William G. Dzekashu ◽  
Julius N. Anyu

The West, chiefly Europe, left political footmarks in Africa from the Colonial Era, along with varying economic footprints and surviving engagements in the immediate Post-colonial Era. However, the relationships between Africa and her former colonial masters have hardly yielded much to the former following the wave of independence, leading to the perception of failed relationships. This perception of failure to deliver on their undertakings has left Africa with only one option—China. The latter has been addressing some of Africa’s urgent infrastructure needs in return for natural resources and agricultural products. These engagements on the surface appear to be good business, but on further examination seem questionable notably as it relates to debt distress on vulnerable economies. To increase her footprint within the continent, China extended her Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to most African nations who have signed a memorandum of understanding for future development projects. Though the commitments usually are unspecified, China’s investments have seen rapid growth since the early 2000s, largely owing to the implementation of the BRI. The memoranda have had the potential to strengthen ties with partner nations. The expansion to include Africa in its economic participation in the BRI has left the West questioning China’s motives while reinforcing suspicions about possible future US-China conflict. The impact of BRI on the African continent is quite visible in all the subregions, especially in their improved gross domestic products. A burning question has been whether these partnerships represent win-win relationships for sustainable growth or debt-growth dynamics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-157
Author(s):  
Parvez Hassan

Abstract In the post-colonial era, the newly emerging and independent states of Asia and Africa, supported by the developing world in South America, questioned the validity and legitimacy of norms of international law. Those norms were perceived to serve only the interests of the developed Western nations and were alien to the aspirations of the developing countries. International law has evolved over time, with a willingness to accept the viewpoint of new participants in the global process in a variety of contexts. These include the international protection of human rights and international law regarding the permanent sovereignty of nations over their natural wealth and resources. The interests of developing countries have been assimilated, though the extent to which this is done varies. A central message advanced is that the ultimate integrity of international law is the commonality and synthesis of the interests of all states, rich and poor, agricultural and industrial. The continuing contribution of developing countries, through their participation in conferences, negotiation of treaties and soft law texts, adds immeasurable strength to the current state and future development of international environmental law.


Africa ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 558-584 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Fanthorpe

The chiefdoms of Sierra Leone are institutions of colonial origin but nevertheless continue to serve as local government units in the post-colonial state. The prevailing view among scholars is that these institutions have little basis in indigenous political culture, and have furthermore become breeding grounds of political corruption. This view has tended to elide anthropological analysis of internal chiefdom politics. However, it is argued in this article that such conclusions are premature. With reference to the Biriwa Limba chiefdom of northern Sierra Leone, it is shown that historical precedent, in many cases relating to prominent political figures of the late nineteenth century, continues to serve as a primary means of ordering local rights in land, settlement and political representation. This phenomenon is not a product of innate conservatism but emerges rather as a pragmatic response to the persistent failure of successive Sierra Leone administrations to extend modern measures of citizenship to the bulk of the rural populace. Rights and properties have become progressively localised in villages originally registered for tax collection in the early colonial era. Here one finds one of the most telling legacies of the British policy of indirect rule in post-colonial Sierra Leone.


IIUC Studies ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 55-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammed Sarwar Alam

Imperialism has been the most powerful force in world history over last four or five centuries. The world has moved from the colonial to post-colonial era or neoimperialism. Throughout the period, the imperialists have changed their grounds and strategies in imperialistic rules. But the ultimate objective has remained the same- to rule and exploit the natives with their multifaceted dominance-technological, economic and military. Through dominance with these, they have been, to a great extent, successful in establishing their racial and cultural superiority. George Orwell is popularly known to be an anti-imperialist writer. This paper, I believe, will lead us to an almost different conclusion. Here, we discover the inevitable dilemma in a disguised imperialist. We discover the seeds of imperialism under the mask of anti-imperialism. In this regard, it studies his revealing short story "Shooting an Elephant". It also humbly approaches to refute Barry Hindess' arguments supporting neoimperialism.   doi: 10.3329/iiucs.v3i0.2664   IIUC STUDIES Vol. - 3, December 2006 (p 5-62)  


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Kawuley Mikail

The book analyses the background of corrupt practices in the annals of Nigerian political history from pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial era down to the fourth democratic dispensation. The book also establishes a nexus between corruption and political economy in the Nigerian political theatre. Indeed, corruption undermines the rules of law, equity, transparency democratization and national development which breed poverty, insecurity and general underdevelopment among the populace.Meanwhile, the political economy approach and the theories of corruption and their application on Nigerian political economy is highlighted.The role of policy-makers and stakeholders with their policies and programmes on combating corruption is also analysed. Furthermore, the giant efforts of international organizations, civil society organizations (CSOs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) on combating the menace of corruption are also pointed out. The book serves as a guide to researchers on the subject matter and the freedom fighters with their anti-corruption crusade or mandates so as to proffer solutions to corrupt practices and scandals in Nigeria and beyond.


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