scholarly journals UKRAINIAN BORDER: CURRENT STATE AND PROBLEMS

Author(s):  
Denis Eckert

This article analyses Ukraine’s current borders, de jure and de facto, from a geopolitical point of view. Significant changes in the border regime occurred after the political events of 2014. The emergence of de facto borders after the annexation of Crimea and the hostilities in eastern Ukraine raises the question not only of the direction of the Ukrainian state’s foreign policy but also has fundamental consequences for domestic policy. The presence of international organisations monitoring parts of the state border shows that Ukraine is involved in the process of combating illegal immigration and smuggling, on the one hand, and that it has not solved all its state-building problems, on the other. The delimitation of state borders (demarcation) with the other former Soviet republics has taken a long time for land borders and has not been completed for maritime borders. Today’s Ukraine, in the context of European integration, opens its borders to the West and minimizes its contacts with the East. The sharp deterioration in relations with Russia following the annexation of Crimea, Russia’s support for separatist entities in eastern Ukraine has led to the abandonment of cross-border cooperation between border regions, including for mechanisms as effective as Euroregions. The need to amend current Ukrainian legislation, to take into account the political and legal status of de facto borders is an important point at the moment. To achieve this objective, it is necessary not only to draw on the experience of the functioning of the State border with Moldova in its section not controlled by the Moldovan government but also to develop new approaches to facilitate the lives of displaced persons, legalize their legal status and facilitate the crossing of the line of demarcation.

2019 ◽  
Vol 91 ◽  
pp. 08071 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uliana Filatova ◽  
Nina Semeryanova ◽  
Svetlana Suslova ◽  
Alena Gabudina ◽  
Anna Kopytova

The article discusses the main issues of definition of social entrepreneurship, both from economic and legal point of view. Since Russian legislature is only at the beginning of the way to create legal framework for activities, legislation on social entrepreneurship seems fragmentary and inconsistent. All of that adversely affects development of social entrepreneurship. Official city statistics (Nizhnevartovsk) show that less than a third of all entrepreneurs are interested in this type of activity; entrepreneurs who already have business in the field of social entrepreneurship mostly do not plan to expand current activities in this area. Analysis can contribute to creation of developed socio-economic relations in Russia. It can be achieved by building effective relations between social entrepreneurs and beneficiaries on the one hand, and also between social entrepreneurs and the state on the other.


2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-244
Author(s):  
Espen Hammer

Hegel's philosophy of religion is characterized by what seems to be a deep tension. On the one hand, Hegel claims to be a Christian thinker, viewing religion, and in particular Christianity, as a manifestation of the absolute. On the other hand, however, he seems to view modernity as largely secular, devoid of authoritative claims to transcendence. Modernity is secular in the political sense of requiring the state to be neutral when it comes to matters of religion. However, it is also secular in the sense of there being no recourse to authoritative representations of a transcendent God. Drawing on Charles Taylor's view of secularization, the article focuses on the second strand of his religious thinking, exploring how Hegel can be thought of as a theorist of secularization. It is claimed that his dialectic of religious development describes a process of secularization. Ultimately, Hegel's system offers a view of the absolute as immanent, suggesting that an adequate account of religion will necessarily have to accept secularization as the end-point of spirit's development. This is how the tension between religion and secularization can be resolved.


Author(s):  
Emilios Christodoulidis ◽  
Johan van der Walt

This chapter traces the tradition of critical theory in Europe in the way it has informed and framed legal thought. A key, and distinctive, element of this legal tradition is that it characteristically connects to the state as constitutive reference; in other words it understands the institution of law as that which organizes and mediates the relation of the state to civil society. The other constitutive reference is political economy, a reference that typically grounds this tradition of thinking about the law in the materiality of the practices of social production and reproduction. It is in these connections, of the institution of law to the domains of the state and of the political economy, that critical legal theory locates the function of law, and the emancipatory potentially it affords on the one hand, and the obstacles to emancipation it imposes, on the other.


Author(s):  
V. V. Kharabuga ◽  
V. A. Afanasyev

For a long time, Crimea has been the place of a permanent ethnopolitical political conflict controlled from the outside, one of the components of which is the confrontation between the Russians, as an ethnic group and the other Slavic population of Crimea, on the one hand, and the Tatars of Crimea, on behalf of whom the extremist banned in Russia is trying to speak structure «kurultai-mejlis». The argumentation of the hypothesis designed to confirm the myth about the national (Tatar) character of the Crimean ASSR is presented. The analysis of argumentation suggests that the hypothesis is not supported by convincing evidence. More weighty should be considered the point of view that the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in 1921–1945. was multinational-territorial autonomy. The discussion in Ukraine of the topic of changing the status of Crimea, turning it into national Tatar autonomy is carried out by the leaders and functionaries of the extremist organization «kurultai-mejlis» in the framework of the anti-Russian propaganda flow controlled from abroad and exploits the analyzed myth as the historical basis of its claims.


2019 ◽  
pp. 229-263
Author(s):  
John Owen Havard

This chapter examines Byron’s poetry in relation to his continuing attachment to an oppositional ‘party’ role, on the one hand, and his cultivated detachment from English politics, on the other. Byron wrote The Vision of Judgment, his 1821 riposte to Robert Southey’s Tory celebration of the reign of George III, from what he described as a ‘Whig point of view’. Rather than aligning with the ‘devil’s party’ of a Satanic opposition or cultivating a checked-out, bemused, indifferent stance, that poem—in common with Byron’s late satirical poetry more widely—established a stance at once of crisp detachment and incipient political critique (one that, in consigning the political world left undone by George III to oblivion, looked back to preceding decades of oppositional dynamism). Byron thereby provides a test-case for this book’s wider arguments about the relationships between literature and politics—and more specifically between partisanship and disaffection—bringing into focus the contours of a combative, snarling ‘cynicism’ and ways of seeing beyond politics altogether.


KPGT_dlutz_1 ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 585
Author(s):  
Luiz Henrique Urquhart Cademartori ◽  
Noel Antônio Baratieri

As cláusulas pétreas: a possibilidade de revisão constitucional de vinculações de receitas na área da educação Resumo: O artigo aborda os limites e as possibilidades de alteração de normas constitucionais que garantem vinculação orçamentária para funções típicas do Estado tais como a Educação Pública. O problema é saber se uma emenda constitucional supressiva da referida garantia orçamentária seria constitucional ou não. A hipótese que se suscita neste estudo procura delinear em que medida seria inconstitucional tal adoção, posto que estaria restringindo, indiretamente, um direito fundamental, no caso o direito à educação, mas, ao mesmo tempo, esta simples constatação encontraria entraves sob a ótica de uma democracia intergeracional. Considera-se, de uma parte, o direito à educação é protegido, originariamente, no âmbito constitucional brasileiro como cláusula pétrea, mas, de outra, gerações futuras ou problemas conjunturais governamentais posteriores à 1988 podem questionar a legitimidade de normas fundamentais originadas em contexto sociopolítico anterior. Para o desenvolvimento deste trabalho, primeiramente analisam-se as cláusulas pétreas e os limites ao poder reformador. A seguir, estudam-se as referidas cláusulas e a sua evolução constitucional. Posteriormente, faz-se uma análise da constitucionalidade de eventual emenda que suprima a vinculação obrigatória de receitas para a educação sob o prisma da proibição de retrocesso. Palavras chave: Cláusulas pétreas. Constituição. Educação. Retrocesso. Receitas públicas. Safeguard clauses: the possibility of constitutional reviewing the bonded educational income Abstract: The article deals with the limits and possibilities of altering constitutional norms that guarantee budgetary linkage to functions typical of the State as a Public Education. The problem is whether a constitutional amendment suppressing the standard budget guarantee would be constitutional or not. The hypothesis that arises in this study looks for what is necessary, is not a fundamental right, is not a case, but the same, this is a finding found obstacles from the point of view of an intergenerational democracy. It is considered, on the one hand, that the right to education is protected, originally, it is not very Brazilian constitutional as a stony clause, but, on the other hand, future generations or post-1988 governmental conjunctural problems may question the legitimacy of fundamental norms originated in context previous sociopolitical. For the development of this work, firstly they are analyzed like stone clauses and the limits to the reformer power. Next, they are studied as clauses of clauses and their constitutional evolution. Subsequently, an analysis is made of the constitutionality of any amendment that abolishes the mandatory binding of transfer to the critic of a prison of prohibition of retrocession. Keywords: Constitution. Education. Public income. Regression. Safeguard clauses.


Federalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
N. Yu. Korotina

The complexity of the economic aspects of federal relations and the multidimensional nature of management tasks predetermines the need to comprehend the essence of the system of federalism. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to substantiate a model that, on the one hand, considers federalism as the concept of the creation and functioning of the state system and as a way of managing the economy of the federal state on the other. Application of an evolutionary methodological approach allowed the author to divide the fundamental theories of federalism into two groups: the one examines federalism as a power paradigm, focuses on the federal principles of building a state, political and legal status The other examines federalism as a mechanism for coordinating the economic interests of its participants from the position of providing resources for fulfilling the assigned state functions at each level of the federal structure. The first group of fundamental works allows us to single out the essential features of federal relations. The second group of works made it possible to determine the economic principles of the functioning of federalism relations. Based on the highlighted features and principles of economic relations of federalism the article presents the author’s view of the dual subject essence of the state. Firstly, as a carrier of federal relations as a construct that structures and formats the territorial-state structure, as a mechanism of management and organization that sets the formal conditions for the reproduction of the subjects of the federal state based on the possession of power. Secondly, as an actor, one of the participants in the economic cycle of reproduction of the gross regional product based on the resources of the public sector. The proposed binary representation of the state allows us to show not only its creating role in the system of economic federalism, but also includes the goals of the regional economy in the federal system.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 49
Author(s):  
Σταυρούλα ΧΟΝΔΡΙΔΟΥ

  <p>Stauroula Hondridou</p><p>The plot of Romanus Boïlas: A Type of Concpiracy Prevention in the Mid-Eleventh Century</p><p> </p><p>Conspiracy was not rare during the long-lived history of Byzantium. Accordingly, the plot of Romanus Boïlas against Constantine IX Monomachos, in the middle of the 11th century, would not have been of great interest, if the way by which the Byzantine emperor handled it did not render it an event worth to investigate.</p><p>According to the sources, Romanus Boïlas served Monomachos' bodyguard battalions, when he acquainted the emperor. Soon, he rose in the state hierarchy and became politically powerful, a fact that enabled him to conspire against the throne. His plot was revealed before his attempting to assassinate the emperor and was himself arrested. However, during the trial Monomachos tried to acquit Boïlas by claiming the offender's naiveté and honesty. After the deliberations, Monomachos honoured Boïlas with a symposium, while Boïlas abettors were arrested, tortured, deprived of their property and exiled.</p><p>Byzantine historiographers interpret Monomacho's peculiar reaction as the result of his dependency on Boïlas, whom they consider as the emperor's buffoon, although the Emperor was in his hands a weak-willed tool.</p><p>Nevertheless, the thorough examination of the sources, the investigation of the two heroes' profiles according to the point of view represented by Byzantine historiographers, and the detailed study of the political events at the time of the conspiracy, lead us to a different conclusion. Thus, Boïlas' plot is not to be seen as a hostile action targeting the central, imperial power, but rather as a means by which the imperial power attempted to control a conspiracy against itself.</p>


Author(s):  
Vitaliy Yu. Darenskiy

Russian culture should be adequately represented in the modern cultural consciousness as a unique phenomenon. Among new approaches there seem to be three that can be considered the most important and promising. 1) The concept of the iconicity of Orthodox culture, created by V.V. Lepakhin, that is now being developed by a significant number of interesting authors in various aspects. 2) The concept of Russian literature Easterness (Paskhalnost), substantiated by I.A. Yesaulov and potentially applicable to the general specific characteristics of Russian culture as a whole. 3) The concept of Russian culture as the “culture of transformation”, in contrast to the Western culture of individual “self-realization”. The purpose of this article is to review the most important works within the outlined conceptual field and formulate general principles for understanding the iconicity of Russian culture as its ontological basis. From the methodological point of view, we are talking about a kind of “archeology of culture” (by analogy with the “archeology of knowledge” of M. Foucault) – that is, the discovery of the primary historical foundations of Russian culture, which were later obscured by the influence of Western culture, especially in its secular forms. In the West, the original and universal principle of the iconicity of Christian culture was gradually replaced by the principle of “sculpturality”. If iconicity is the focus of man and every creature on the Creator and on his highest heavenly perfection, which presupposes the path of transformation and the clear distinction between the created and non-created; then sculpturality is the self-sufficiency of man and all creations, closing them in their proud self-sufficiency, and thereby closing the way for their transformation. Since the Christian East has preserved Orthodoxy, it is here that the original “matrix” of Christian culture has been preserved, indestructible by any later Western influences, although it has experienced strong deformations and “pseudomorphoses” under their onslaught. Iconicity is the original ontology of culture as such: on the one hand, it preserves the original paradise connection with eternal and perfect existence at the moment of creation; on the other hand, it also carries the act of ontological catastrophe bringing death, evil and imperfection into the world. The concept of Russian culture “iconicity” is considered to be the most important theoretical achievement of modern Russian thought. It combines, on the one hand, cultural and theological accuracy, and, on the other, – the huge practical potential for the revival of the national spirit.


Author(s):  
D. Hartman

Unlike the major intellectual currents that shaped religious thought in the modern world, Leibowitz’s thought is deeply anchored in the Israeli context. Both as philosopher and activist, Leibowitz lived and articulated the paradoxes of modern Israel where he lived and was best known. His reputation as a Socratic gadfly to the establishment reflected his ongoing critique of both Israeli society in the light of Judaism, and Judaism in the light of the revolutionary implications of the creation of the State of Israel. On the one hand, he was a Jewish patriot, a fighter for Jewish independence from all forms of foreign rule; on the other hand, he was a harsh, relentless critic of national and political expressions of chauvinism in the Israeli establishment. A strictly observant Jew, Leibowitz had less impact on traditional religious Jews than on secular Israelis. His central message is that what makes Jews distinctive as a group is neither their theology nor their Bible, but the system of law with which they regulate their lives. Judaism is a communal concept, and there is no point in religious Jews ignoring the State of Israel, or expecting others to bear their civil burdens for them. Religious law has to be reconciled with life in the political reality of the state, and this necessitates changing those attitudes to the law which reflect the historical conditions of life in exile.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document