scholarly journals THE RUSSIAN NATIONAL SECURITY THROUGH THE PRISM OF “WEST EAST” DICHOTOMY

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Oleg V. GRIGORIEV
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Military Force ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
The World ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Third World War

Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of problematic issues of ensuring the Russian national security. The view is expressed that historically emerging challenges and threats came to a different, qualitatively new level, which became a serious factor threatening the national security of the Russian Federation.Methods. The individual issues of national security, which for Russia were actualized at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries, were largely due to the change in the geopolitical picture of the world, and in particular the transition from bipolar to a multipolar world system.Results. The causes of military-political conflicts of the post-war period, which were reduced to the political-ideological and geopolitical rivalry of superpowers and their allies in separate regions of the world, as well as the desire to extend their influence to individual countries or their groups, were determined. At the same time, military force became a special tool of politics. The brief description of the threat of international terrorism, which is united under the flags of various religious-political formations, is in fact represented by the Third World War, acquiring the form of a structurally organized phenomenon aimed at escalating the confrontation between the West and the East. The norms and principles of international law, as well as the responsibility of the world community, the United Nations for the prevention, localization and cessation of conflicts through peacemaking, are considered.Conclusions. It is concluded that it is necessary to stop the division of countries into blocs and to join efforts to make adequate political and legal decisions that ensure a “balance of interests”.

The Case against the C.I.A.

1979 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 21-23
Author(s):  
John Stockwell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Security ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
The Third ◽  
The World ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Intelligence Service

Following several years of shocking revelations about the United States intelligence service, we now have a unique opportunity to rethink our objectives in the Third World, especially in Africa, and to modify our intelligence activities to complement rather than contradict sound, long term policies. The revelations, and their related publicity, have been a healthy exercise, making the American public aware of what enlightened people throughout the world already knew, that CIA operations had plumbed the depths of assassination, meddlesome covert wars, and the compulsive recruitment of foreign officials to commit treason on our behalf; activities which, if they did not border on international terrorism, certainly impressed their victims as harsh and cruel, whatever their bureaucratic authentication and national security justification in Washington.

scholarly journals The Third World War: A Look at the Implications of Climate Change on Global, National Security

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-11
Author(s):  
Lauren Schlusser
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
National Security ◽  
Third World ◽  
Global Climate ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Third World War

President Donald Trump ran to be president of the United States on a platform rife with statements denouncing the credibility of anthropogenic — man-made — climate change. In a separate, but equally important, vein, President Trump also expressed a commitment to ensure the security of US citizens both domestically and abroad. Today, however, it’s difficult to address national security effectively without simultaneously addressing global climate change. The two issues are intimately interwoven, and ignoring one issue will compromise the success of solving the other.

Squatting: The Fight for Decent Shelter, 1970s–1980s

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
John Marsland
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Public Services ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Housing Policies ◽  
The West ◽  
The World ◽  
Housing Needs ◽  
Post War ◽  
Second World

During the twenty years after the Second World War, housing began to be seen as a basic right among many in the west, and the British welfare state included many policies and provisions to provide decent shelter for its citizens. This article focuses on the period circa 1968–85, because this was a time in England when the lack of affordable, secure-tenured housing reached a crisis level at the same time that central and local governmental housing policies received wider scrutiny for their ineffectiveness. My argument is that despite post-war laws and rhetoric, many Britons lived through a housing disaster and for many the most rational way they could solve their housing needs was to exploit loopholes in the law (as well as to break them out right). While the main focus of the article is on young British squatters, there is scope for transnational comparison. Squatters in other parts of the world looked to their example to address the housing needs in their own countries, especially as privatization of public services spread globally in the 1980s and 1990s. Dutch, Spanish, German and American squatters were involved in a symbiotic exchange of ideas and sometimes people with the British squatters and each other, and practices and rhetoric from one place were quickly adopted or rejected based on the success or failure in each place.

The 1945 World Order – Process with «Open» Continuation

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Bipolar Structure ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The World ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.

The Third World War?

Survival ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 61-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence Freedman
Keyword(s):  
Third World ◽  
World War ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third World ◽  
Third World War

The Institute of International Law

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 716-736
Author(s):  
James Brown Scott
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Great Difficulty ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Scientific Organizations ◽  
The World ◽  
Post War ◽  
In The Mists

The scientific organizations which flourished before the World War have had great difficulty in continuing their labors after its termination. The Institute of International Law has been no exception. It was to have met in Munich in September, 1914, and its program had been completely arranged; but the war which started in August, 1914, necessarily put an end to all arrangements for the session. A resort to arms inevitably brings with it a desire for its avoidance; and the greater the war, the greater the desire. A decade, a generation struggles in the mists and shadows, seeking to extricate itself from the post-war spirit, condemning the past somewhat indiscriminately and advocating innovations which, new in expression, are nevertheless the aspirations of those who, in all time, crushed and bruised by force, seek to replace it by justice.

scholarly journals Debates about the Polish eastern border after World War II in the Polish immigrant circle

2020 ◽  
pp. 62-71
Author(s):  
Tetiana Yelova
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Editorial Staff ◽  
World War ◽  
Annual Basis ◽  
The World ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Eastern Border ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Post War

The new geopolitical realities after the World War II saw the revival of the Polish state in a new form. The Republic of Poland appeared on the map of Central Europe, with about half of its territory being the so-called Recovered Territories, while the state borders moved west. The new eastern border of the post-war Poland ran along the Curzon line. The new post-war eastern border of Poland was being negotiated and agreed upon by the Soviet and the Polish authorities starting from 1944 on an annual basis, up to 1948. The last exchange of territories took place in 1951. The debates about the political map of Europe and the new eastern border of Poland, which became a new reality after the World War II, were held both at politicians’ offices and in various media outlets. The most prominent debate about the new Polish eastern border could be found on the pages of the Kultura immigrant periodical. The Polish immigrant public intellectuals Jerzy Giedroyc, Juliusz Mieroszewski, Josef Czapski and other members of the Kultura periodical editorial board were adamant about the need to recognize the Polish borders drawn after the World War II. Such a stance was unacceptable for the Polish Governmentin-Exile based in London and some immigrant circles in the USA. Starting from 1952, the Kultura editorial staff is consistent in its efforts to defend the principle of inviolability of borders drawn after the World War II, urging the Poles to give up on the so-called Polish Kresy (Kresy Wschodnie) and to reconcile with the neighbours on the other side of the new eastern border.

Dreams of Freedom, Temptations of Power

2019 ◽  
pp. 243-280
Author(s):  
Melvyn P. Leffler
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
National Security ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
September 11 ◽  
World War ◽  
Memory Culture ◽  
The World ◽  
September 11 Attacks ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter considers the end of the Cold War as well as its implications for the September 11 attacks in 2001, roughly a decade after the Cold War ended. While studying the Cold War, the chapter illustrates how memory and values as well as fear and power shaped the behavior of human agents. Throughout that struggle, the divergent lessons of World War II pulsated through policymaking circles in Moscow and Washington. Now, in the aftermath of 9/11, governments around the world drew upon the lessons they had learned from their divergent national experiences as those experiences had become embedded in their respective national memories. For policymakers in Washington, memories of the Cold War and dreams of human freedom tempted the use of excessive power with tragic consequences. Memory, culture, and values played a key role in shaping the evolution of U.S. national security policy.

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