Aboriginal Education: The School at Strelley, Western Australia

1981 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 139-144 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Liberman

Education is suspect among traditionally oriented Aboriginal people because it has been used by the dominant Anglo-Australian population as a means for forced acculturation. Having had little control over schools in their communities, most Aboriginal people have failed to give them their enthusiastic support. Aboriginal leaders recognize, however,that Aboriginals need to develop literacy and cognitive skills to protect their culture from outside domination, and are now pushing for control of their schools. The Strelley School marks a progressive and successful Aboriginal effort to administer education on their own terms.

1980 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
M.L. O’Brien

It is a significant fact that in 150 years of European settlement there is still only a handful of Aborigines working in the field of education in this state. This means that Aboriginal parents have very little say in the educational policies and programs affecting their children and they are concerned about this. Because of the fact that many Aboriginal people have had little contact with the school situation, (in fact up till comparatively recently, many, as children, were actually excluded from attendance at school) they regard it as an alien institution, representing an academic world to which they do not belong. Consequently many Aboriginal people are hesitant to approach the school under any pretext, even for the purpose of enrolling their children. They need a corporate voice, an avenue of approach by which they can make contact with educational authorities, to make known their needs and aspirations, at whatever level necessary, and to feel assured that action will be taken in response to these needs.With the object of providing a corporate voice for Aborigines in the educational scene in 1977 State Consultative Groups were set up in all states except Western Australia. Here in Western Australia, the need was seen by the Education Department to provide for organization at the grass roots level, and to plan for regional committees throughout the State. In September 1978, I was transferred from a classroom to the Aboriginal Education Branch as a community liaison officer, to instigate and facilitate the setting up of these committees, and to this date initial meetings have been held for this purpose in the following towns each serving a particular region: Bunbury, Kalgoorlie, Kellerberrin, Narrogin and Moora. At each meeting the keen response from the local Aboriginal community has indicated that this move to establish regional committees has their full approval and support. It is expected that by the end of 1980 a committee will have been established in each of the Education Department’s regions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhonda Povey ◽  
Michelle Trudgett

Purpose The focus of this paper is to centre the lived experiences and perceptions of western education held by Aboriginal people who lived at Moola Bulla Native Cattle Station (Moola Bulla) in Western Australia, between 1910 and 1955. Of interest is an investigation into how government legislations and policies influenced these experiences and perceptions. The purpose of this paper is to promote the powerful narrative that simultaneously acknowledges injustice and honours Aboriginal agency. Design/methodology/approach The research from which this paper is drawn moves away from colonial, paternalistic and racist interpretations of history; it is designed to decolonise the narrative of Aboriginal education in remote Western Australia. The research uses the wide and deep angle lens of qualitative historical research, filtered by decolonising methodologies and standpoint theory. Simultaneously, the paper valorises the contributions Indigenous academics are making to the decolonisation of historical research. Findings Preliminary findings suggest the narrative told by the residents who were educated at Moola Bulla support a reframing of previous deficit misrepresentations of indigeneity into strength-based narratives. These narratives, or “counter stories”, articulate resistance to colonial master narratives. Social implications This paper argues that listening to Aboriginal lived experiences and perceptions of western education from the past will better inform our engagement with the delivery of equitable educational opportunities for Aboriginal students in remote contexts in the future. Originality/value This paper will contribute to the wider academic community by addressing accountability in Aboriginal education. Most important to the study is the honouring of the participants and families of those who once lived on Moola Bulla, many who are speaking back through the telling of their story.


2002 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 189 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dale Fisher ◽  
Allen Ruben

The Northern Territory is Australia's third largest jurisdiction by land mass but it is the smallest by population. By proportion it accommodates the largest number of Aboriginal people who suffer the greatest burden of disease with highmorbidity, mortality, admission rates and lengths of stay. Output based funding by DRG is based on the 'typical' Australian population which is not that of the Northern Territory. The NT has had to significantly modify its approach to funding to meet the needs of its population. The current funding method based on detailed analyses of clinical data with small numbers may be inappropriate where simpler methods tailored to the NT population could suffice.


Sexual Health ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kellie S. H. Kwan ◽  
Carolien M. Giele ◽  
Heath S. Greville ◽  
Carole A. Reeve ◽  
P. Heather Lyttle ◽  
...  

Objectives To describe the epidemiology of congenital and infectious syphilis during 1991–2009, examine the impact of public health interventions and discuss the feasibility of syphilis elimination among Aboriginal people in Western Australia (WA). Methods: WA congenital and infectious syphilis notification data in 1991–2009 and national infectious syphilis notification data in 2005–2009 were analysed by Aboriginality, region of residence, and demographic and behavioural characteristics. Syphilis public health interventions in WA from 1991–2009 were also reviewed. Results: During 1991–2009, there were six notifications of congenital syphilis (50% Aboriginal) and 1441 infectious syphilis notifications (61% Aboriginal). During 1991–2005, 88% of notifications were Aboriginal, with several outbreaks identified in remote WA. During 2006–2009, 62% of notifications were non-Aboriginal, with an outbreak in metropolitan men who have sex with men. The Aboriginal : non-Aboriginal rate ratio decreased from 173 : 1 (1991–2005) to 15 : 1 (2006–2009). Conclusions: These data demonstrate that although the epidemiology of syphilis in WA has changed over time, the infection has remained endemic among Aboriginal people in non-metropolitan areas. Given the continued public health interventions targeted at this population, the limited success in eliminating syphilis in the United States and the unique geographical and socioeconomic features of WA, the elimination of syphilis seems unlikely in this state.


1999 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Laugharne

Eighteen months ago I came to Geraldton, Western Australia from the United Kingdom to help develop a psychiatric service for Aboriginal people in the mid-west region of the state. This has been a fascinating and challenging experience both professionally and personally and I would like to outline the context of this work and to reflect on some of the issues that seem particularly relevant.


1983 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 17-19
Author(s):  
D. Broadbent

The 1980 National Aboriginal Education Conference went on record as saying it saw that as an ‘area of concern’ history textbooks on Aborigines are racist.Australians’ economic history is racist in that standard economic texts do not discuss Aborigines at all, or mention them only peripherally.The economic history of Australia is usually written from one or two perspectives, both European. The first involves the flow of external capital, labour and entrepreneurship into what was essentially an empty land awaiting exploitation. This has led to emotive pictures of Australia’s economic development in terms of hardy pioneers driving sheep and cattle into remote parts, and hard-working men clearing land for crops, both groups subject to the usual environmental hazards of droughts, floods and natives.The second view has led to the picture of the country riding on the sheep’s back. In economic terms this meant that the profits earned by wool exports (and later gold) generated capital within the country for economic expansion. This is the Staple theory of economic growth. Neither viewpoint takes into account the Aboriginal people. Nor could they, because they are theories of Capitalism, and nineteenth century Capitalism did not have a human face. The profit motive was supreme. Aborigines were not seen as being at all useful to the process of economic growth once it had got under way.Up to a point, however, the Aborigine was useful. He could guide settlers and explorers across inhospitable landscapes and lead them to water. Having done this, he had outlived his usefulness and was hounded to the edges of the new economic landscape – to extinction in many places.


1975 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-10
Author(s):  
J.G. Ingram

The College of Aboriginal Education was set up in March 1973 within the Torrens College of Advanced Education, Adelaide, to provide an opportunity for adult Aboriginal people to continue their education in areas meaningful to them. It offers a highly individualized twelve month course which emphasizes the development of positive self concepts, an understanding of society and the development of positive attitudes to it, and the finding of satisfying employment.The students come from a wide range of backgrounds and include both tribal and non-tribal people. At present 45 students are enrolled. The staff includes both Aboriginals and Euro-Australians. The College makes use of a large number of part-time teachers, many of whom are Aboriginal, while other people, including both Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals expert in their own field, are brought in from time to time.


1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 35-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
A-K. Eckermann

Throughout 1974 and 1975 I worked among Aboriginal people in Rural Town, S.W. Queensland. With one exception, all Aboriginal people in this country town have attained at least a primary education. Further, almost 30 per cent of men and women in the 16–30 age group have attended some secondary school; although only two completed grade 10 in 1974, a further three attended tenth arade in 1975.These figures reflect the pattern of Queensland Aboriginal education as presented in Roper (1970:55). On the basis of these trends it should be possible to hypothesize that younger Aboriginals are attaining higher educational standards than their parents. But the figures lie – simply because more children are staying at school for longer periods this does not mean that they either learn more at school or are experiencing more satisfaction in the school situation.Obviously the proportion of individuals who attend at least some secondary school is increasing; Aboriginal parents generally support the principle that education is essential if the child is to acquire reasonable employment. Such schemes as the Aboriginal Secondary Grant Scheme are recognised by the Aboriginal community as worthwhile endeavours, not only because they enable parents to support their children for longer periods at school, but because they make the whole educational issue topical. Discussions about the grant lead to discussions about children’s problems at school. Ambitions for “good jobs” are intrinsically linked with educational achievement. Education officers associated with the Aboriginal Secondary Grant are sought out, asked for help to “have the kids sent to boarding school”, as the Rural Town high school does not teach classes beyond Grade 10, and their expertise enlisted to find employment. This concern is not restricted to high school students either. Mothers generally recognise that: “Kids need the first year at school or they get buggered up for the rest. If they miss too much in that first year, they never catch up….”


AJIL Unbound ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 109 ◽  
pp. 209-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asta Hill

In the late 1970s thousands of Indigenous Australians initiated a movement back to the ancestral lands they had been removed from during the assimilationist era. Less than 50 years since their return to country, Aboriginal people living in Western Australia’s (WA) remote communities are again grappling with their impending redispossession. Wa Premier Colin Barnett’s announcement late last year was panic inducing: It is a problem that I do not want and the government does not want, but it is a reality. There are something like 274 Aboriginal communities in Western Australia—I think 150 or so of those are in the Kimberley itself—and they are not viable. They are not viable and they are not sustainable . . . I am foreshadowing that a number of communities are inevitably going to close.


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