scholarly journals Motivações semânticas e pragmáticas na mudança gramatical

2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Gisele Cássia De Sousa

<p>O objetivo deste artigo é demonstrar a influência de fatores semânticos e pragmáticos sobre processos de mudança linguística. O estudo focaliza as orações completivas do português, particularmente a oração introduzida pela conjunção <em>se</em>, forma homônima à conjunção que introduz a oração adverbial condicional. Ao rastrear a origem dessa oração completiva do português, a pesquisa busca explicar as razões da identidade formal entre as duas conjunções observada não só em português, mas na maioria das línguas românicas. Com base em registros de filólogos e romanistas, o estudo revela que a similaridade entre as conjunções se explica pela etimologia da conjunção integrante <em>se</em>, advinda da conjunção latina <em>si </em>que substituiu as partículas interrogativas do latim. Conforme se defende no texto, essa substituição teria sido possível graças a propriedades semânticas e pragmáticas compartilhadas por interrogativas e condicionais. Esses significados e funções comuns entre as duas orações mostram, portanto, que a homonímia entre as formas de condicional e de interrogativa indireta nas línguas românicas não é fortuita. A origem em uma oração condicional, que tem significado basicamente hipotético, explica também por que a completiva introduzida por <em>se </em>do português não se gramaticaliza do mesmo modo que uma completiva introduzida por <em>que</em>. De modo mais amplo, as análises demonstram que fatores de ordem semântica e pragmática podem determinar a trajetória de mudança em que se envolve uma forma linguística. Como conclusão, o estudo enfatiza a importância de se considerarem aspectos semânticos e pragmáticos, paralelamente a aspectos formais, nas pesquisas sobre mudança linguística.</p><p>This paper aims to demonstrate the influence of semantic and pragmatic factors on linguistic change processes. The study focuses on complement clauses in the Portuguese language, particularly the one introduced by the conjunction <em>se </em>(if/whether), which is the homonym of the conjunction that introduces the conditional clause. By tracking the origin of this complement clause in Portuguese, the research seeks to explain the reasons for formal identity between the two conjunctions <em>se </em>observed not only in Portuguese, but also in most Romance languages. Based on statements of philologists and Romanists, this study reveals that the similarity between conjunctions is explained by the etymology of the complementizer <em>se</em>, arising from the Latin conjunction <em>si </em>that replaced the interrogative particles in Latin. As it is argued in the text, this replacement would have been made possible by semantic and pragmatic properties shared by interrogative and conditional clauses. Therefore, these meanings and common features between the two clauses show that the homonym between forms of conditionals and indirect questions in Romance languages is not fortuitous. The origin of a conditional clause, whose meaning is basically a hypothesis, also explains why the completive clause introduced by <em>se </em>in Portuguese is not grammaticalized in the same way as a completive clause introduced by <em>que </em>(that). More broadly, the analyses demonstrate that semantic and pragmatic factors can determine a specific trajectory of change to a linguistic form. In conclusion, this study emphasizes the importance of considering semantic and pragmatic aspects, parallel to formal aspects, in researches on language change.</p>

1994 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel J. Gutiérrez

SUMMARY The Impact of "the Underdogs" in Three Processes of Linguistic Change in the Spanish of Morelia, Michoacán This paper deals with the role that the educational and the socioeconomic levels of the speakers play in some processes of linguistic change. Three phenomena of the Spanish grammar in different stages of linguistic change are examined in the light of the data collected among Spanish speakers from Morelia, Michoacan: (a) the opposition "periphrastic/morphological future," (b) the use of pluperfect subjunctive in the apodosis of conditional sentences instead of compound conditional, and (c) the innovative use of the copula estar. Results from the analysis reveal that in the two more advanced change processes (a and b), the lower educational levels and the low socioeconomic group are the leaders, while the group with more formal education and the middle-high socioeconomic group have joined, although with some resistance, the tendency marked by the leader groups. The analysis of the ser/estar opposition evidences an innovative use of the copula estar in the community. This change is in the first stages and consists of an extension of the estar semantic domain. The educational and socioeconomic levels also show differences in the use of this innovative form. Speakers with college education and speakers of the upper-middle socioeconomic group are more resistant to adopt the innovative use. However, speakers with less education and speakers of the low socioeconomic group show a very important proportion of the innovative use. The results found seem to suggest that the size of the group with less education and the size of the low socioeconomic group in communities like the one studied permit the imposition of some changes that are led by them. RESUMO La influo de la "subuloj " en tri procezoj de lingvosangigo en la hispana de Morelia en Michoacdn La artikolo temas pri la rolo de la eduka kaj sociekonomia niveloj de la parolantoj en procezoj de lingvosangigo. La aǔtoro studas tri fenomenojn de la hispana gramatiko en diversaj stadioj de lingvosangigo per faktoj observitaj inter parolantoj de la hispana en Morelia en Michoacán: (1) la alternativo inter helpverba kaj morfologia futuro, (2) la uzo de pluskvamperfekta subjunktivo en la cefpropozicio de kondicaj frazoj anstataǔ la helpverba kondicionalo, kaj (3) la novstila uzo de la kopulo estar. La rezultoj montras, ke en la du pli progresintaj ŝanĝoprocezoj (1 kaj 2), la malpli altaj edukniveloj kaj la malalta sociekonomia grupo gvidas, dum la grupo kun pli da formala edukigo kaj la mezalta sociekonomia grupo postsekvas, ec se kun iom da rezisto, la tendencon indikitan de la gvidantaj grupoj. La analizo de la alternativo ser/estar montras novstilan uzon de estar en la komunumo. Tiu ŝanĝo estas en la komenca stadio kaj konsistas el plivastigo de la signifo de estar. La niveloj kondutas malsame ankaǔ rilate al ĉi tiu novaĵo. Parolantoj kun altlerneja edukigo kaj tiuj el la mezalta sociekonomia grupo rezistas la disvastigon de tiu novstila uzo. Aliflanke parolantoj malpli edukitaj kaj sur malpli alta sociekonomia nivelo uzas la novstilaĵon grandkvante. La trovitaj rezultoj sajnas sugesti, ke pro sia grandeco la malaltaj socigrupoj kapablas en socio kiel la studita esti gvidantaj en sango.


2006 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 99-118
Author(s):  
Anna Bondaruk ◽  

This paper aims at establishing a typology of control in Irish and Polish non-finite clauses. First, seven classes of predicates taking non-finite complements in Irish and Polish are specified. They include: modal (e.g. must), aspectual (e.g. start), implicative (e.g. manage), factive (e.g. like), prepositional (e.g. say), desiderative (e.g. want) and interrogative verbs (e.g. ask). Whereas modals and aspectuals typically take raising complements, the remaining predicate classes require control complements. Control clauses in Polish always have a covert PRO subject, while in Irish their subject may be either the covert PRO or an overt DP. The PRO subject may be either obligatorily controlled or is controlled optionally. The criteria adopted in distinguishing obligatory control (OC) from non-obligatory control (NOC) are based on Landau (2000) and comprise the following: (1) a. Arbitrary Control is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; b. Long-distance control is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; c. Strict reading of PRO is impossible in OC, possible in NOC; d. De re reading of PRO is impossible in OC (only de se), possible in NOC. The validity of these criteria for establishing the OC/NOC contrast in Irish and Polish is scrutinised. Various contexts are examined where both these control types obtain in the two languages studied. Most notably, OC tends to occur in complement clauses, while NOC is often found in subject and adjunct clauses both in Irish and Polish. Within the class of OC, two subgroups are recognised, namely exhaustive control (EC) and partial control (PC). The former control type holds when the reference of PRO and its antecedent are identical, whereas the latter type of control is attested when the reference of PRO covers the reference of its antecedent, but is not entirely co-extensive with it, e.g.: (2) a. Maryᵢ managed [PROᵢ to win] = EC; b. Maryᵢ wanted [PRO + to meet at 6] = PC. EC and PC are found in analogous contexts in Irish and Polish. EC occurs in complements to modal, implicative and aspectual verbs, while PC is limited to complements to factive, desiderative, prepositional and interrogative predicates. It is argued that EC-complements lack independent tense specification, while PC-complements are marked for tense independent from the one expressed in the matrix clause. PC-complements both in Irish and Polish must contain a semantically plural predicate (cf. meet in (2b)), but they can never exhibit a syntactically plural element.


Author(s):  
Montserrat Batllori ◽  
Assumpció Rost

<p>Esta investigación aporta evidencias acerca del hecho de que el español medieval y también otras lenguas románicas antiguas (portugués e italiano, por ejemplo) son claros exponentes de la clase II de Rivero y Terzi (1995: 301, e.g. 1) en que el imperativo no presenta una sintaxis diferenciada de la de las oraciones matrices, mientras que, como mínimo, el español actual formaría parte de las lenguas de la clase I, cuyos imperativos tienen una sintaxis propia. Se muestra, asimismo, que los cambios correspondientes al orden de palabras de las construcciones imperativas corresponden a un proceso de sintactización que ha desvinculado las estructuras de imperativo de la morfología verbal (y, por consiguiente, de la sintaxis de las oraciones matrices) y ha comportado un cambio hacia un tipo de estructura con requisitos sintácticos específicos.  Además, por otra parte, nuestros datos permiten profundizar en la teoría del contacto lingüístico y en las condiciones necesarias para que se dé la transferencia de estructuras arcaicas del español medieval al español atlántico. De acuerdo con ellos, podemos afirmar que el mantenimiento de estructuras medievales en Hispanoamérica se debe supeditar al hecho de que las lenguas indígenas de adstrato posean construcciones que faciliten la transferencia lingüística y, por tanto, revitalicen un patrón que ya se encontraba en retroceso en el español peninsular. </p><p>Abstract<em>: This research provides evidence in favour of the fact that Old Spanish, as well as other Old Romance languages (Portuguese and Italian, for example) accommodate to Rivero and Terzi’s (1995: 301, e.g. 1) pattern II in which imperative structures of the languages do not display a different syntax from the one exhibited by main clauses, whereas Modern Spanish should be classified as belonging to pattern I, the imperative constructions of which present their own specific syntax. We put forward that the changes undergone by the word order of imperative sentences through time should be attributed to a syntactization process that tended to detach imperatives from a specific verbal morphology (and also from the syntax of main clauses) and brought about new specific syntactic requirements for them to be licensed. Furthermore, our data allow us to shed light on the theory of linguistic change and the necessary conditions to have transference phenomena from Old Spanish to Hispano-American Spanish. Our data show that, so as to posit that Old Spanish constructions of any sort have been transferred to Hispano-American Spanish, there should be similar configurations in the indigenous languages that enable this transference through language contact and can bring about an increasing use of the structures that already were receding in Peninsular Medieval Spanish.</em></p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Operstein

Whose name is hidden behind the anonymity of the key publication on Mediterranean Lingua Franca? What linguistic reality does the label 'Lingua Franca' conceal? These and related questions are explored in this new book on an enduringly important topic. The book presents a typologically informed analysis of Mediterranean Lingua Franca, as documented in the Dictionnaire de la langue franque ou petit mauresque, which provides an important historical snapshot of contact-induced language change. Based on a close study of the Dictionnaire in its historical and linguistic context, the book proposes hypotheses concerning its models, authorship and publication history, and examines the place of the Dictionnaire's Lingua Franca in the structural typological space between Romance languages, on the one hand, and pidgins, on the other. It refines our understanding of the typology of contact outcomes while at the same time opening unexpected new avenues for both linguistic and historical research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Terttu Nevalainen ◽  
Tanja Säily ◽  
Turo Vartiainen

AbstractThis issue of the Journal of Historical Sociolinguistics aims to contribute to our understanding of language change in real time by presenting a group of articles particularly focused on social and sociocultural factors underlying language diversification and change. By analysing data from a varied set of languages, including Greek, English, and the Finnic and Mongolic language families, and mainly focussing their investigation on the Middle Ages, the authors connect various social and cultural factors with the specific topic of the issue, the rate of linguistic change. The sociolinguistic themes addressed include community and population size, conflict and conquest, migration and mobility, bi- and multilingualism, diglossia and standardization. In this introduction, the field of comparative historical sociolinguistics is considered a cross-disciplinary enterprise with a sociolinguistic agenda at the crossroads of contact linguistics, historical comparative linguistics and linguistic typology.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (s2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Schreier

Abstract The correlation between external factors such as age, gender, ethnic group membership and language variation is one of the stalwarts of sociolinguistic theory. The repertoire of individual members of speaker groups, vis-à-vis community-wide variation, represents a somewhat slippery ground for developing and testing models of variation and change and has been researched with reference to accommodation (Bell 1984), style shifting (Rickford, John R. & MacKenzie Price. 2013. Girlz II women: Age-grading, language change and stylistic variation. Journal of Sociolinguistics 17. 143–179) and language change generally (Labov, William. 2001. Principles of linguistic change, vol. 2: Social factors. Oxford: Blackwell). This paper presents and assesses some first quantitative evidence that non-mobile older speakers from Tristan da Cunha, an island in the South Atlantic Ocean, who grew up in an utterly isolated speech community, vary and shift according to external interview parameters (interviewer, topic, place of interview). However, while they respond to the formality of the context, they display variation (both regarding speakers and variables) that is not in line with the constraints attested elsewhere. These findings are assessed with focus on the acquisition of sociolinguistic competence in third-age speakers (particularly style-shifting, Labov, William. 1964. Stages in the acquisition of Standard English. In Roger Shuy, Alva Davis & Robert Hogan (eds.), Social Dialects and Language Learning, 77–104. Champaign: National Council of Teachers of English) and across the life-span generally.


KronoScope ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-27
Author(s):  
Carl Humphries

Abstract “Being is said in many ways,” claimed Aristotle, initiating a discussion about existential commitment that continues today. Might there not be reasons to say something similar about “having been,” or “having happened,” where these expressions denote something’s being located in the past? Moreover, if history – construed not only as an object of inquiry (actual events, etc.) but also as a way of casting light on certain matters – is primarily concerned with “things past,” then the question just posed also seems relevant to the question of what historical understanding amounts to. While the idea that ‘being’ may mean different things in different contexts has indisputable importance, the implications of other, past-temporal expressions are elusive. In what might any differences of substantive meaning encountered there consist? One starting point for responding – the one that provides the subject matter explored here – is furnished by the question of whether or not a certain way of addressing matters relating to the past permits or precludes forms of intelligibility that could be said to be ‘radically historical.’ After arguing that the existing options for addressing this issue remain unsatisfactory, I set out an alternative view of what it could mean to endorse or reject such an idea. This involves drawing distinctions and analogies connected with notions of temporal situatedness, human practicality and historicality, which are then linked to a further contrast between two ways of understanding the referential significance of what is involved when we self-ascribe a relation to a current situation in a manner construable as implying that we take ourselves to occupy a unique, yet circumstantially defined, perspective on that situation. As regards the latter, on one reading, the specific kind of indexically referring language we use – commonly labelled “de se” – is something whose rationale is exhausted by its practical utility as a communicative tool. On the other, it is viewed as capturing something of substantive importance about how we can be thought of as standing in relation to reality. I claim that this second reading, together with the line of thinking about self-identification and self-reference it helps foreground, can shed light on what it would mean to affirm or deny the possibility of radically historical forms of intelligibility – and thus also on what it could mean to ascribe a plurality of meanings to talk concerning things being ‘in the past.’


2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (71) ◽  
pp. 565-580
Author(s):  
Magda Costa Carvalho

Indecisão plena de promessas: imagens da vida e da infância na filosofia de Henri Bergson Resumo: Numa passagem da obra Évolution Créatrice, Bergson recupera a imagem da criança para afirmar que a natureza viva opera através de tendências divergentes. Apesar de não ter desenvolvido um pensamento de pendor educacional, encontram-se na obra bergsoniana referências que, por um lado, recuperam a dimensão criativa e criadora da infância e, por outro, acentuam a forma infantil dos movimentos do élan vital. Estas referências fazem parte da imagética do autor, mostrando como o seu pensamento sugestiona leituras ímpares. O convite para cruzar a imagem da vida como infância com a imagem da infância como vida revela-se, assim, sugestivo para repensar o que nos habita como constitutivamente outro: a criança que fomos e a natureza que somos. E será através da imagem – como forma de contacto dinâmico com o real – que poderemos encontrar algumas respostas para a sugestão bergsoniana de se promover nas escolas um conhecimento infantil (enfantin).Palavras-chave: infância; criança; natureza; imagem; Bergson. Indecision charged with promise: Images of life and childhood in Henri Bergson’s philosophy Abstract: In a passage in his Évolution Créatrice, Bergson reclaims the image of the child to argue that living nature works through divergent tendencies. Although Bergson’s work doesn’t focus specifically on education, it does contain references that, on the one hand, reclaim the creative and creating nature of childhood, while on the other hand accentuating the childlike nature of élan vital’s movements (vital impetus). These references are part of Bergson’s repertoire of imagery and demonstrate how his thought evokes uneven readings. The invitation to cross the image of life as childhood with that of childhood as life ultimately evokes a rethinking of what inhabits us as constitutively other: the child we were and the nature we are. And it is through the notion of image – as a form of dynamic contact with reality – that we will find some answers for Bergson’s suggestion that schools promote a childlike knowledge (enfantin).Key-words: childhood; child; nature; image; Bergson.  Indecisión cargada de promesas: Imagénes de la vida y de la infancia en la filosofía de Henri Bergson Resumen: En un pasaje sobre la obra Évolution Créatrice, Bergson recupera la imagen del niño para afirmar que la naturaleza viva opera a través de tendencias divergentes. A pesar de no haber desarrollado un pensamiento de carácter educacional, se encuentran en la obra bergsoniana referencias que, por un lado, recuperan la dimensión creativa y creadora de la infancia y, por otro, acentúan la forma infantil de los movimientos del impulso vital. Estas referencias hacen parte de la imagen del autor, mostrando como su pensamiento sugestiona lecturas impares. O convite para cruzar la imagen de la vida como infancia con la imagen de la infancia como vida se revela, de esta manera, sugestivo para repensar lo que nos habita como constitutivamente otro: el niño que fuimos y la naturaleza que somos. Y será a través de la imagen – como forma de contacto dinámico con lo real – que podremos encontrar algunas respuestas para la sugestión bergsoniana de promoverse en las escuelas un conocimiento infantil (enfantin).Palavras-clave: infancia; niño; naturaleza; imagen; Bergson. Data de registro: 20/08/2020Data de aceite: 30/11/2020


1996 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Kerswill

ABSTRACTThe article models the spread of linguistic change by taking precise account of the ages of the acquirers and transmitters of change. Several studies, some original, are reviewed in order to address the following questions: “What types of linguistic feature can an individual acquire at different ages?” “How much influence do people of different ages exert on the speech of other individuals?” The article is organized around three key interlocutor combinations: parent-infant/young child, peer group-preadolescent, and older adolescent/adult-adolescent. The studies suggest that borrowings are the easiest to acquire, while lexically unpredictable phonological changes are the most difficult. In between are Neogrammarian changes and morphologically conditioned features. The age of the speaker is critical; only the youngest children acquire the “hardest” features. However, adolescents may be the most influential transmitters of change. A difficulty hierarchy for the acquisition of second dialect features is then presented; it is suggested that this predicts the nature of linguistic change found under different sociolinguistic conditions. The approach presented here allows for a more detailed understanding of the spread of linguistic change.


Author(s):  
Franz Rainer

All languages seem to have nouns and verbs, while the dimension of the class of adjectives varies considerably cross-linguistically. In some languages, verbs or, to a lesser extent, nouns take over the functions that adjectives fulfill in Indo-European languages. Like other such languages, Latin and the Romance languages have a rich category of adjectives, with a well-developed inventory of patterns of word formation that can be used to enrich it. There are about 100 patterns in Romance standard languages. The semantic categories expressed by adjectival derivation in Latin have remained remarkably stable in Romance, despite important changes at the level of single patterns. To some extent, this stability is certainly due to the profound process of relatinization that especially the Romance standard languages have undergone over the last 1,000 years; however, we may assume that it also reflects the cognitive importance of the semantic categories involved. Losses were mainly due to phonological attrition (Latin unstressed suffixes were generally doomed) and to the fact that many derived adjectives became nouns via ellipsis, thereby often reducing the stock of adjectives. At the same time, new adjectival patterns arose as a consequence of language contact and through semantic change, processes of noun–adjective conversion, and the transformation of evaluative suffixes into ethnic suffixes. Overall, the inventory of adjectival patterns of word formation is richer in present-day Romance languages than it was in Latin.


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