scholarly journals Delírios e deleites: leitura dos diálogos de Machado de Assis com John Milton em Memórias póstumas de Brás Cubas / Deliriums and Delights: the reading of the dialogues of Machado de Assis with John Milton in Posthumous Memoirs of Bras Cubas

2022 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Miriam Piedade Mansur Andrade

Resumo: Os textos de Machado de Assis e principalmente seus romances estabelecem muitos diálogos com diferentes escritores e tradições. Entretanto, a forma que Machado de Assis escolheu para se referir ao poeta inglês do século XVII, John Milton, no seu romance, Memórias póstumas de Brás Cubas, merece uma atenção cuidadosa. Nesse romance, o autor brasileiro também se refere a Milton, mas não de maneira direta ou nomeada; ao contrário, as alusões a Milton são indiretas, criando uma composição textual com o poeta inglês e o convidando, de maneira ausente, a também fazer parte da narrativa. Machado de Assis, na elaboração dos delírios e deleites de Brás Cubas, reflete sobre seu ato de composição e estabelece diálogos também com o poeta inglês, como uma tentativa de proliferar sentidos da obra de Milton, mais especificamente Paradise Lost, no contexto literário brasileiro. Esses diálogos serão analisados com base na ideia de dialogismo de Mikhail Bakhtin (1973, p. 39) que é constitutivo da intertextualidade e desvia o foco das noções de autoria, causalidade e finalidade, e o “texto passa a ser visto como uma absorção de e uma resposta a um outro texto”. Assim, é pertinente dizer que Machado de Assis absorve elementos de composição do universo miltoniano e responde a eles nas Memórias póstumas de Brás Cubas, revivendo, em sua criação literária, suas experiências como leitor desse poeta inglês.Palavras-chave: Machado de Assis; Brás Cubas; dialogue; Milton.Abstract: The texts of Machado de Assis and mainly his novels established many dialogues with different writers and traditions. However, the way Machado de Assis chose to refer to the English poet of the seventeenth century, John Milton, on his Posthumous Memoirs of Brás Cubas, demands a careful observation. In this novel, the Brazilian writer refers to Milton but not in a direct manner; on the contrary, the allusions to Milton are indirect, creating a textual composition within the English poet and inviting him, in an absent way, to be also part of the narrative. It seems that Machado de Assis, in the elaboration of Brás Cubas’s deliriums and delights, reflects upon his act of composition and establishes a textual dialogue with the English poet, as an attempt to proliferate the meanings of Milton’s oeuvre, more specifically Paradise Lost, in the Brazilian literary context. These dialogues will be analyzed based on Mikhail Bakhtin’s studies on the idea of dialogism, which is a constituent of the concept of intertextuality and deviates the focus on the notions of authorship, causality and finality, with writing working “as a reading of the anterior literary corpus and the text as an absorption of and reply to another text” (1973, p. 39). Thus, it is possible to say that Machado de Assis absorbs some elements of composition from Milton’s creative universe and answers him on his Posthumous Memoirs of Brás Cubas, reviving them in his literary creation and in his experiences as a reader of the English poet.Keywords: Machado de Assis; Brás Cubas; dialogue; Milton.

2011 ◽  
Vol 64 (2) ◽  
pp. 500-543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula Loscocco

AbstractThis article brings into focus the royalist experience of political defeat and cultural recovery in mid-seventeenth-century England. It shows how royalist writers developed a polemically charged psalmic poetics that allowed them to appropriate the discursive authority of their Puritan enemies, reestablish their own cultural standing, and prepare the way for religious and political return. Several writers who found common cause in 1650s royalist poetics appear in these pages, including Izaak Walton, Thomas Stanley, Jeremy Taylor, Henry King, and the author(s) of the 1649 Eikon Basilike. Royalist writers with more divided responses to psalmic polemics appear here as well, including the episcopal divine, Henry Hammond, and the Davidic poet, Abraham Cowley. The poet, psalmist, and polemicist John Milton is an important presence throughout: his Eikonoklastes seems aware of his opponents’ polemical project, as do his 1653 psalms, and Paradise Lost itself may respond to what he once derided as royalist “Psalmistry.”


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Martineau

In Book I of Paradise Lost, John Milton (1608-1674) asserts his intent to “justifie the wayes of God to men” (Paradise Lost1 I 26), paving the way for a revolutionary discussion of human nature, divinity, and the problem of evil, all couched in an epic retelling of Satan’s fall from grace, his temptation of Adam and Eve, and their expulsion from the Garden of Eden, as recounted in the Book of Genesis. In his treatment of the biblical account, Milton necessarily broaches a variety of subjects which were both relevant during his time and remain relevant in ours. Among these topics, and certainly one of the most compelling, is the matter of human free will.


Author(s):  
Peter Auger

Abraham Cowley reacted against the tradition of divine poetry that Du Bartas embodied, arguing that scriptural poets needed to have technical expertise and spiritual insight. As later seventeenth-century poets like Thomas Heywood, John Perrot, and Samuel Pordage became aware of the limits of simply describing literal truths from the Bible and natural world, they reverted to allegorical and other figurative narrative structures that could accommodate higher truths to the human imagination and describe psychological experience. John Milton had known Sylvester’s translation since he was a teenager, but Paradise Lost makes purposeful allusions that surpass Devine Weekes, showing how difficult it is to apprehend divine truth, and how interpretation depends on our point of view. Lucy Hutchinson’s meditations on Genesis revise Du Bartas’ poetics to strip away extraneous material that distracts from scriptural truth.


PMLA ◽  
1959 ◽  
Vol 74 (5) ◽  
pp. 544-547
Author(s):  
Morris Freedman

Paradise lost, in spite of all the critical and scholarly acknowledgements that it is a “typical” seventeenth-century epic, has not often enough been seriously considered in the context of the Restoration, when, of course, it appeared. The audience that read it was also reading Dryden. And while it was obviously not a “party poem” in the way that Absalom and Achitophel was, it certainly was not detached from its age. In his own way, Milton was responding to contemporary events and issues with something of Dryden's hardness of mind and spirit. Indeed, certain aspects of Paradise Lost may appear in an altogether new perspective when we consider how closely Dryden used Milton's epical material in his own small epic. We may, to pursue one aspect in detail, even turn up a plausible model for Satan.


2016 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-34
Author(s):  
Clifford J. Cunningham

This article reveals that John Milton employed an allusion to the aurora borealis in book 6 (79–83) of Paradise Lost, unrecognized in more than three centuries of scholarly analysis. Two other likely allusions, and one certain, to the aurora have also been identified. This research casts doubt on the long-held belief, made popular by the astronomer Edmund Halley (1656–1742), that no notable aurora was visible in England in the seventeenth century. After examining an overlooked note by the English historian William Camden (1551–1623), this article explores the possibility that Milton actually saw an aurora. A solution is also presented here to the long-standing conundrum of the comet near the “Arctic” constellation Ophiuchus in book 2 (707–11) of Paradise Lost. Cet article révèle que John Milton fait allusion à une aurore boréale au sixième livre (79–83) de Paradise Lost, allusion qui est restée ignorée pendant plus de trois siècles de lectures savantes. Une autre allusion à une aurore boréale, ainsi que deux autres, probables, ont été identifiées. Cette recherche remet en question l’opinion tenue de longue date, et circulée par l’astronome Edmund Halley (1656–1742), qu’aucune véritable aurore boréale ne put être observée en Angleterre au dix-septième siècle. Grâce à l’analyse d’une note, longtemps négligée, de l’historien anglais William Camden (1551–1623), cet article explore la possibilité que Milton ait pu réellement observer une aurore boréale, ce qui pourrait alors résoudre l’énigme de la mention, au deuxième livre du Paradise Lost (707–711), d’une comète près de la constellation « arctique » Ophiuchus.


2019 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 440-464
Author(s):  
Luiz Fernando Ferreira Sá ◽  
Miriam Piedade Mansur Andrade

A proposta deste artigo é analisar os traços dos textos de João Guimarães Rosa, Johann Wolfgang von Goethe e John Milton, a saber, Grande sertão: veredas, Fausto e Paradise Lost, respectivamente, que compõem diálogos poético-bíblicos, cantos paralelos ou transcriações. Este artigo também investigará o modo como o romance brasileiro dialoga com a peça trágica alemã na elaboração e recriação do mito do Diabo e em seus desdobramentos, elementos esses que também estão presentes no diálogo entre os textos em alemão e em inglês. A noção de diálogo aqui trabalhada é a estudada por Mikhail Bakhtin, o qual sugere a ideia de dialogismo como constitutivo da intertextualidade, com o texto passando a ser visto como uma absorção de e uma resposta a um outro texto. Nesse movimento de absorção de elementos e resposta a outros textos, a lógica do suplemento de Jacques Derrida promove a noção de diálogo com o termo funcionando como a escrita de proliferação de significados.


Author(s):  
Garrett Cullity

In Paradise Lost, Satan’s first sight of Eve in Eden renders him “Stupidly good”: his state is one of admirable yet inarticulate responsiveness to reasons. Turning from fiction to real life, this chapter argues that stupid goodness is an important moral phenomenon, but one that has limits. The chapter examines three questions about the relation between having a reason and saying what it is—between normativity and articulacy. Is it possible to have and respond to morally relevant reasons without being able to articulate them? Can moral inarticulacy be good, and if so, what is the value of moral articulacy? And, thirdly, can moral philosophy help us to be good? The chapter argues that morality has an inarticulacy-accepting part, an articulacy-encouraging part, an articulacy-surpassing part, and an articulacy-discouraging part. Along the way, an account is proposed of what it is to respond to the reasons that make up the substance of morality.


2009 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-62
Author(s):  
Baki Tezcan

AbstractA short chronicle by a former janissary called Tûghî on the regicide of the Ottoman Sultan Osman II in 1622 had a definitive impact on seventeenth-century Ottoman historiography in terms of the way in which this regicide was recounted. This study examines the formation of Tûghî's chronicle and shows how within the course of the year following the regicide, Tûghî's initial attitude, which recognized the collective responsibility of the military caste (kul) in the murder of Osman, evolved into a claim of their innocence. The chronicle of Tûghî is extant in successive editions of his own. A careful examination of these editions makes it possible to follow the evolution of Tûghî's narrative on the regicide in response to the historical developments in its immediate aftermath and thus witness both the evolution of a “primary source” and the gradual political sophistication of a janissary.


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