scholarly journals Analysis of the Associations between the North Korean Perception of South Korea and the Relationship between North and South Korea during the Cold War and Post Cold War Eras

2011 ◽  
Vol null (32) ◽  
pp. 69-111
Author(s):  
Lee June Hee
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The North ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
North And South

Diplomacy and War

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Weiner ◽  
Paul Sharp
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Order ◽  
Nuclear War ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Military Diplomacy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Invasion Of Iraq

Scholars acknowledge that there is a close connection between diplomacy and war, but they disagree with regard to the character of this connection—what it is and what it ought to be. In general, diplomacy and war are assumed to be antagonistic and polar opposites. In contrast, the present diplomatic system is founded on the view that state interests may be pursued, international order maintained, and changes effected in it by both diplomacy and war as two faces of a single statecraft. To understand the relationships between diplomacy and war, we must look at the development of the contemporary state system and the evolution of warfare and diplomacy within it. In this context, one important claim is that the foundations of international organizations in general, and the League of Nations in particular, rest on a critique of modern (or “old”) diplomacy. For much of the Cold War, the intellectual currents favored the idea of avoiding nuclear war to gain advantage. In the post-Cold War era, the relationship between diplomacy and war remained essentially the same, with concepts such as “humanitarian intervention” and “military diplomacy” capturing the idea of a new international order. The shocks to the international system caused by events between the terrorist attacks on the United States in 2001 and the invasion of Iraq in 2003 have intensified the paradoxes of the relationship between diplomacy and war.

The new politics of voting alignments in the United Nations General Assembly

1996 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 629-652 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soo Yeon Kim ◽  
Bruce Russett
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
New Politics ◽  
The North ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
Good Set ◽  
The Cold War

Voting patterns in the United National General Assembly provide an exceptionally good set of evidence for observing issues and alignments of states in international politics. We analyze those patterns in three post-cold war sessions of the General Assembly and compare them with the alignments and issues that characterized sessions during the cold war. We find new groups and alignments (with most of Eastern Europe now voting with rather than against West European positions) and a new prominence of long-term North-South issues as they now relate to questions of redefining “human security” in the post-cold war world. The predominant General Assembly division is between richer and poorer nations. Key correlates of voting with the North are wealth, democracy, and proportionately low levels of trade with the United States.

scholarly journals Field Diplomacy: A New Conflict Prevention Paradigm?

1997 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luc Reychler
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Conflict Prevention ◽  
Conflict Zones ◽  
Governmental Organizations ◽  
The North ◽  
Non Governmental Organizations ◽  
Religious Extremism ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
North And South ◽  
Very High

One of the most important challenges facing the global community in the next decade, is the prevention of destructive conflicts. Listening to the discourse in the United Nations and other governmental and non governmental organizations this may sound like kicking in wide open doors (Bauwens and Reychler, 1994). But the failure of conflict prevention and the high number of conflict zones, indicates that we still have a long way to go. A global survey of contemporary conflicts counts 22 high-intensity and 39 lowerintensity conflicts, and 40 serious disputes (PIOOM, 1995). In 1995 five groups were victims of genocides or politicides. The risks of future victimization of 47 communities in different parts of the world is assessed as high of very high (PIOOM, 1995). The growth of nationalist feelings at the end of the Cold War is only the beginning of more suffering. More conflicts are expected, with old and new causes, such as the unequal or unfair trade balances between North and South, unemployment in the North, the environmental pollution, religious extremism, mass immigration and the growing number of failed states. These problems could hurt people so much that they would be prepared to fight for them.

scholarly journals PENGAYAAN SENJATA NUKLIR SEBAGAI MODAL EKONOMI KOREA UTARA

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (02) ◽  
pp. 212-231
Author(s):  
Theofilus Jose Setiawan ◽  
Maria Sukmaniara ◽  
Jain Komboy ◽  
Darynaufal Mulyaman
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
North Korea ◽  
Economic Capital ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Korean Economy ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
North And South

The purpose of the paper is to analyze North Korea's efforts to obtain economic capital through the enrichment of nuclear weapons amid the various sanctions imposed on it. This paper uses a constructivism approach in accordance in term of give arguments regarding North Korea's struggle to gain economic capital is an all-out struggle. Since the communist regime took control of North Korea, North and South Korea have continued to conflict to this day. Supported by the Soviet Union and aided by China during the Cold War era, North Korea was still able to survive. However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and China's lack initiatives from helping North Korea, the North Korean economy worsened. In this paper, we found that North Korea used its nuclear capability as a bargaining chip to get what it wanted, especially for economic reasons.

Interdependence, Identity, and China–South Korea Political Relations

Asian Survey ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-499
Author(s):  
See-Won Byun
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
South Korea ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Nationalist Discourse ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Societal Preferences ◽  
Qualitative Changes

Research on the relationship between international economic and political relations has produced no consensus on the pacifying effects of trade. Rapid trade growth and enduring tensions characterize post–Cold War Asia’s paradox. This study assesses the political effects of China-centered interdependence based on the China–South Korea case since 1992. Although trade may inhibit conflict in line with liberal expectations, its coercive potential limits its pacifying effects. When disputes arise, asymmetric interdependence generates strategic leverage and vulnerability, and amplifies the identity dimensions of conflict that shape societal preferences. China’s combination of economic pressure and nationalist discourse induces accommodation primarily through coercion. By blending state-led and society-led retaliation, economic and accountability costs are minimized. China–South Korea political interactions have increased in quantity but not quality. The Asian case underscores qualitative changes in political relations (rather than just instances of conflict), the material and nonmaterial repercussions of asymmetric trade, and the regional security implications of China-led interdependence.

New national organization of Europe: nationalism and minority rights after the end of the Cold War

2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Matti Jutila
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Surface Level ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
Universal Human Rights ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship

Post–Cold War Europe witnessed the resurgence of different forms of nationalism and also the re-establishment of a minority rights regime. At the surface level, rights of national minorities seem to undermine nationalism as a political organization principle, but on a closer investigation the relationship between the two is more complex. This article uses insights from the English school’s theorizing on primary and secondary institutions to investigate the relationship between the primary institution of nationalism and secondary institution of minority rights regime. After a brief discussion of nationalism as a primary institution and its influence on the implementation of universal human rights, this article presents a detailed study of the minority rights regime analysing how it challenges, transforms and reproduces nationalism as a primary institution of contemporary European society of states.

EC–ASEAN Relations in the 1970s as an Origin of the European Union–Asia Relationship

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
Tomoya KURODA
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Institutional Relations ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
Regional Organisation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Global Strategies ◽  
The Eu

Today, the relationship between EU and Asian countries is at a turning point. During the Cold War, there was quite a large gap in status between the EC and ASEAN. The EC was highly institutionalised and the most advanced regional organisation, while ASEAN was simply an association of developing countries. However, in the post-Cold War era, Asia has gained a more important status compared to Europe. A striking example is the establishment of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in 1996, where heads of states were treated as ‘equal partners’. This article addresses the following question as the main point of its research: Why and how did the EC establish institutional bonds with ASEAN countries? Despite this corpus of research, studies of the factors behind the EC’s shift towards institutionalised relationships with ASEAN have not examined the geopolitical interests at stake. This paper, thus, aims to give an overall picture of EC-ASEAN institutional relations in the 1970s, with particular attention to the global strategies of EC member states, based on a multi-archival approach. Thus, this paper analyses a neglected origin of the EU-Asia relationship.

India-US Relations

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tanvi Madan
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Strategic Framework ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Economic Considerations ◽  
Ability And Willingness

Policymakers and analysts have traditionally described US relations with India as moving from estrangement during the Cold War and immediate post–Cold War period to engagement after 1999. The reality has been more complex, interspersing periods of estrangement, indifference, and engagement, with the latter dominating the first two decades of the 21st century. The nature of the relationship has been determined by a variety of factors and actors, with American perceptions of India shaped by strategic and economic considerations as well as the exchange of ideas and people. The overall state of the US relationship with India after 1947 has been determined by where that country has fit into Washington’s strategic framework, and Delhi’s ability and willingness to play the role envisioned for it. When American and Indian policymakers have seen the other country as important and useful, they have sought to strengthen US-India relations. In those periods, they have also been more willing to manage the differences that have always existed between the two countries at the global, regional, and bilateral levels. But when strategic convergence between the two countries is missing, differences have taken center stage.

scholarly journals Aid Is Not Oil: Donor Utility, Heterogeneous Aid, and the Aid-Democratization Relationship

2015 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Blodgett Bermeo
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Foreign Aid ◽  
Empirical Test ◽  
Negative Relationship ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Oil Revenue ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Democratic Change ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractRecent articles conclude that foreign aid, like other nontax resources, inhibits political change in authoritarian regimes. This article challenges both the negative political effects of aid and the similarity of aid to other resources. It develops a model incorporating changing donor preferences and the heterogeneity of foreign aid. Consistent with the model's predictions, an empirical test for the period 1973–2010 shows that, on average, the negative relationship between aid and the likelihood of democratic change is confined to the Cold War period. However, in the post–Cold War period, nondemocratic recipients of particular strategic importance can still use aid to thwart change. The relationship between oil revenue and democratic change does not follow the same pattern over time or across recipients. This supports the conclusion that aid has different properties than other, fungible, resources.

scholarly journals United States–Pakistan Relations in Post-Cold War Era: A Political–Security Perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 01 (01) ◽  
pp. 2050001
Author(s):  
KHANH VAN NGUYEN
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
Security Relations ◽  
Political Security ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The U.S

In this article, the political–security relations between the United States and Pakistan in the Post-Cold War era are analyzed. The allied relationship between the two countries during the Cold War was abruptly disrupted following the conclusion of the Cold War in 1991 and the United States imposed a series of sanctions against Pakistan following the nuclear issue in 1990. However, the September 11 attacks of 2001 and the global anti-terrorism war launched by the G. W. Bush government resumed the relationship. Again, Pakistan became one of the principal allies of the United States and bilateral political–security relations were promoted unprecedentedly thanks to their collaboration against terrorism. The war against terrorism, however, has also produced many contradictions, which brought the relationship between the two countries into disputes and crises. This article discusses the U.S.–Pakistan relations in the Post-Cold War Era with special attention to the political–security aspects. Attempts will be made to clarify the nature, impacts and tendencies of the relationship. The U.S.–Pakistan relationship is a typical example of the international relationship between a superpower and a middle power, and it is also typical of the U.S.’s changing alliance relations.

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