scholarly journals L’engagement politique des pièces « bourgeoises » de Marcel Dubé

2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Renata Jakubczuk

<p>Considered to be one of the founders of Quebec theater, Marcel Dubé began to make his mark on Quebec’s literary scene in the 1950s. In his works, he focused on the underprivileged parts of society to expose a variety of injustices, then attacked the bourgeois in order to charge them with their responsibility for the fate of the Quebec people. After revisiting the historical context that determined the political situation at the dawn of the Quiet Revolution, this article aims to show the playwright’s involvement in the Quebec liberation movement.</p>

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 327-334
Author(s):  
Inga V. Zheltikova ◽  
Elena I. Khokhlova

The article considers the dependence of the images of future on the socio-cultural context of their formation. Comparison of the images of the future found in A.I. Solzhenitsyn’s works of various years reveals his generally pessimistic attitude to the future in the situation of social stability and moderate optimism in times of society destabilization. At the same time, the author's images of the future both in the seventies and the nineties of the last century demonstrate the mismatch of social expectations and reality that was generally typical for the images of the future. According to the authors of the present article, Solzhenitsyn’s ideas that the revival of spirituality could serve as the basis for the development of economy, that the influence of the Church on the process of socio-economic development would grow, and that the political situation strongly depends on the personal qualities of the leader, are unjustified. Nevertheless, such ideas are still present in many images of the future of Russia, including contemporary ones.


Author(s):  
Mohamed A. Satti

This research analyzes the political content in Sudanese music. The aim is to scrutinize and interpret the meaning of such political content and to place it in a historical context of the country's post-independence history. The songs of some of Sudan's most respected musicians of the current era such as Mohamed Al Amin, Abdel Karim Al Kabli and Mohamed Wardi are examined. Guided by framing analysis, the study employs six framing devices: nationalist/patriotic, responsibility, loyalty/allegiance, assimilation, ethnocentric and superiority frame. The aim of the investigation is to deconstruct the content of nationalistic songs to fully appreciate the roles they play in both popular culture and in the political arena. Results suggest that Sudanese popular music is high in nationalistic/patriotic and loyalty/allegiance but low in assimilation content. Results also indicate that Sudan's post-independence history is rich with songs that reflect the country's political situation.


Literator ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-83
Author(s):  
H. Van Vuuren

The article endeavours to answer the question of how the 1988 reader reacts to Tristia (1962). The poems are placed against the political, cultural and literary context of the 1950s in Europe, and it is pointed out how Tristia is multi-faceted in tone, texture and content, reflecting the tensions of its socio-historical context. The reception of the book at the time of publication is looked at, and the line is then drawn through to 1988. In the present situation the reader is struck by the Eurocentredness of the work and the strongly intellectual perspective. Whereas Rob Antonissen, A.P. Grové and W.E.G. Louw stressed the “richness” and “greatness” of the poetry, today’s reader would probably relate more to the social relevance portrayed in the perspective given in the work on the struggle between physical violence and the striving of the human spirit not to go under in this battle.


Fachsprache ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (S1) ◽  
pp. 48-64
Author(s):  
Olga Solopova ◽  
Anatoly Chudinov

The problem we dwell upon is the role of metaphors in political forecasting. Political forecasting is a powerful means of manipulating the audience. Any political forecast is aimed not only at representing the best-case scenario and the worst-case scenario of the political situation, but also at conveying the emotional content of the forecast, as well as at influencing the addressee by manipulating with images of the future to achieve the ultimate goal of the producer of the text. We stress the crucial role of the political metaphor in structuring the text. It is the metaphor that organizes the content of the forecast both formally and conceptually. The article presents a piece of our approach to studying retrospective models of Russia’s future using the methods and tools of linguistic political prognostics. The material for the analysis is the XIX century American and British political discourses (1855–1881). The paper evaluates the prognostic potential of the dominant metaphorical models (PATH, DISEASE, CRIME and FAUNA), elicits the discursive factors that shape the usage and meanings of metaphors, demonstrates the interdependence between metaphors and the images they generate and emphasizes the role of the historical context in this process.


2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andres Kõnno ◽  
Agnes Aljas ◽  
Maarja Lõhmus ◽  
Ragne Kõuts

Abstract The present article highlights the importance of the comparative longitudinal study of massmediated content in comparing the evolution of public spheres in neighbouring countries. In order to contextualize our research on the Estonian media system, we simultaneously conducted a similar study on Finnish and Russian newspapers of the same period. The 20th century was a period of rapid change in Estonian society and, compared with Finnish and Russian newspapers, Estonian newspapers paid more attention to issues that were labelled as “cultural”. In the Estonian press the understanding that ‘culture’ is important prevailed, as it was one of the most stable elements of content throughout the century. The significance of governance-politics and economics depended on the political situation and historical context. The interpretation of data is based on the binaries “centre” vs. “periphery” and “self-reference” vs. “other-reference”.


Author(s):  
Aleksa Filipovi&#263;

The last two decades have seen the rise of right-wing parties in Europe, spurred among other things by a series of crises, the latest of which being the ongoing COVID-19 global pandemic. Finland, Sweden, Norway and Denmark did not find themselves isolated from the political and socio-economic shocks and aftershocks of such events, and right-wing populist parties and movements belonging to the Nordic region have also gained strength, sometimes even being a part of governments. However, these parties have certain characteristics that distinguish them from their counterparts in the rest of the Europe, given the specific social, political, economic and historical context of the region. Such traits can be listed as welfare chauvinism, right-wing egalitarianism, authoritarian positions on sociocultural issues, and populist, anti-establishment drive. At the same time, these parties have demonstrated their high pragmatism and ability for adaptation to the current political situation in their countries. In this work a quick overview is presented of the principles of four major right-wing parties in the Nordic region (The Finns Party, Sweden Democrats, Norwegian Progress Party, and Danish People&rsquo;s Party), and the differences and similarities in their motivations are discussed.


Author(s):  
Nikolay Fedorov

The subject of this research is evolution of the political doctrine of the Egyptian organization &ldquo;Muslim Brotherhood&rdquo; over the period from 1928 to 1936. The author carefully examines the historical context of establishment and initial stage of existence of the &ldquo;Brotherhood&rdquo;. Analysis is conducted on the political situation that unfolded in Egypt by the late 1920s &ndash; early 1930s, as well as peculiarities of socioeconomic development of the country during the interwar period (1919-1939). The author explores the evolution of views and rhetoric of the founder of the organization Hassan al-Banna. Special attention is given to formation of the structure of the community, its apparatus, as well as political doctrine and question of self-presentation of the &ldquo;Brotherhood&rdquo;. The main conclusion consists in detection of traceable link between the nature of the statements of al-Banna and the political situation in Egypt at the time, as well as his deliberate desire to self-isolate from participation in the struggle for power, for the sake of further consolidation of &ldquo;Muslim Brotherhood&rdquo;. The author&rsquo;s special contribution consists in deconstruction of the events of 1936, which led to rapid politicization of the &ldquo;Brotherhood&rdquo;, which reflected in the demand to create &ldquo;Islamic Party&rdquo;. The novelty of this work lies in attraction of wide variety of sources in the Arabic language, as well as in the attempt to contrapose the development of nationalistic and Islamist movements in Egypt.


1998 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Olayemi Akinwumi

Until the mid-1950s all the received traditions in Nigerian Borgu were unanimous that Bussa was established by Woru, the eldest son of Kisra (alhough some versions claim that it was Kisra himself), while Shabi and Bio, his younger brothers, established Nikki and Illo respectively. These traditions were recorded in the early period of colonial rule by colonial anthropologists and most of these accounts are deposited at the National Archives in Kaduna.From the 1950s new traditions began to emerge challenging certain aspects of these earlier versions. One such aspect that has attracted attention is the order of the establishment of the principal Borgawa states. The new traditions denied any link between Kisra and Bussa, and also condemned the prominent role assigned to the Emir of Bussa. The principal objective of the present paper is to explain the political situation that gave rise to the emergence of these new traditions, and to show how suspectible oral tradition, especially traditions of origin, is to political manipulation.Edmund Leach and J.A. Atanda have demonstrated this in different works. In his work on highland Burma Leach shows how traditions of origins “change with clock-like regularity in response to shifts in the political constellation.” In his turn Atanda shows how oral tradition “undergoes revisions when regimes change, care being taken that materials ‘useless’ to the new regime are expunged and new ‘useful’ materials added to evolve to an acceptable ‘standard version’.”


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


Author(s):  
Emma Simone

Virginia Woolf and Being-in-the-world: A Heideggerian Study explores Woolf’s treatment of the relationship between self and world from a phenomenological-existential perspective. This study presents a timely and compelling interpretation of Virginia Woolf’s textual treatment of the relationship between self and world from the perspective of the philosophy of Martin Heidegger. Drawing on Woolf’s novels, essays, reviews, letters, diary entries, short stories, and memoirs, the book explores the political and the ontological, as the individual’s connection to the world comes to be defined by an involvement and engagement that is always already situated within a particular physical, societal, and historical context. Emma Simone argues that at the heart of what it means to be an individual making his or her way in the world, the perspectives of Woolf and Heidegger are founded upon certain shared concerns, including the sustained critique of Cartesian dualism, particularly the resultant binary oppositions of subject and object, and self and Other; the understanding that the individual is a temporal being; an emphasis upon intersubjective relations insofar as Being-in-the-world is defined by Being-with-Others; and a consistent emphasis upon average everydayness as both determinative and representative of the individual’s relationship to and with the world.


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