scholarly journals Associazionismo industriale e corporativismo: l’American Chamber of Commerce in Italy nell’epoca fascista = Industrial association and corporatism: The American chamber of commerce in Italy during the fascism age

Author(s):  
Vittoria Ferrandino ◽  
Valentina Sgro

<p>Il contributo in oggetto si propone di approfondire i rapporti tra le corporazioni e i gruppi industriali italiani da un’ottica particolare, quella dell’associazionismo che si concretizza con l’American Chamber of Commerce in Italy, instituita nel 1915 per agevolare le relazioni commerciali tra Italia e Stati Uniti. La grave crisi economica del 1930 e del 1931 e, poco dopo, le gravissime restrizioni portate agli scambi con l’estero dal programma autarchico del Governo fascista, influirono notevolmente sullo sviluppo della Camera. L’autorità dell’istituzione venne a diminuire, i rapporti con gli Stati Uniti si fecero più rari e il numero dei soci diminuì notevolmente.<strong> </strong>Alle corporazioni furono affidate le autorizzazioni sui nuovi impianti, la costituzione delle compagnie per la valorizzazione dell’Africa orientale italiana, il controllo sulle iniziative economiche nelle colonie, la collaborazione col fisco nella determinazione e nell’applicazione dei tributi ed infine il controllo sul commercio estero e sulle valute. Di conseguenza, la funzione che lo Stato avrebbe dovuto esercitare servendosi delle corporazioni finì col ricadere nelle mani dei grandi industriali, che le dominavano attraverso i loro rappresentanti. Da un lato, quindi, vi erano le corporazioni, che garantivano piena libertà ai gruppi industriali, avallandone le scelte; dall’altro lato, invece, vi erano le autorità governative che riconoscevano i limiti di competenza e d’intervento di quelle istituzioni e la necessità di una migliore definizione degli obiettivi.</p><p>This contribution aims to examine the relationship between corporations and the Italian industrial groups from a particular perspective, which is that of associations through the American Chamber of Commerce in Italy, established in 1915 to facilitate the commercial relations between Italy and the United States. The economic crisis of 1930 and 1931 and, shortly after, the very serious restrictions on foreign trade of the Fascist government program influenced significantly on the Chamber’s development. The authority of the institution was to decline, the relations with the United States became more and more rare and the number of members decreased considerably. Corporations obtained the authorizations on new systems, the establishment of companies for the development of the Italian East Africa, the control on economic initiatives in the colonies, the cooperation with the tax authorities in the determination and application of taxes, and finally control over foreign trade and currencies. So the function that the State should have exercised using the corporations ended up falling into the hands of big businessmen, who ruled through their representatives. Therefore, Corporations guaranteed full freedom to industry groups supporting them, and government authorities recognized the competence and intervention limits of those institutions and the need for a better definition of the objectives.</p>

1978 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Hume Werking

Rapid changes in the relationship between business and government from 1890 onwards brought a growing desire for a better exchange of ideas and information and, particularly, for a national organization that would facilitate this exchange. While the United States Chamber of Commerce has been viewed almost universally as the outcome of efforts by businessmen, Professor Werking shows that it was a few government bureaucrats, notably in the relatively new and ambitious Department of Commerce and Labor, who, with the support of the Secretary and the White House, became the decisive factor in the birth of the Chamber in 1912.


Author(s):  
Mercè Oliva ◽  
Óliver Pérez-Latorre ◽  
Reinald Besalú

This article aims to identify the relationship between video games and neoliberal values. To fulfil this aim, it analyses the covers of the 20 top-selling video games in the United States each year from 2010 to 2014 (a total of 80 different games). Video game covers are a type of paratext, that is, texts that accompany another text to promote it and to guide its reading. Thus, video game covers choose and highlight some of the games’ features over others, and by doing that they construct a discourse. In this article, it is argued that regardless of genre, the covers analysed convey and promote neoliberal values, such as freedom and choice, entrepreneurship, consumption and accumulation of goods, customization, novelty, individualism and meritocracy. This promotion of neoliberal values is combined with an appeal to the concerns of ‘risk society’. Thus, the covers of the top-selling video games play on fears linked to the new context created by the economic crisis while at the same time legitimizing the neoliberal ideal of the ‘enterprising self’ as a model for dealing with it.


1991 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 215-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerrold D. Green

This program is evaluated in order to analyze the ethical and practical issues likely to influence its success. Among those critical issues discussed are the U.S.'s definition of “democracy,” the relationship between culture and democracy, and the ability, or desirability, of the United States to export its own form of government as historical and cultural goals. Substantial attention is given to the ethical dimension of whether the United States is, or should be, concerned with democracy as a generic form of political organization or be more committed to the expansion of American influence irrespective of a country's political or ideological character. Noting that foreign aid is pragmatic rather than altruistic in origin, the essay questions the likely effectiveness of the Democratic Pluralism Initiative.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (6) ◽  
pp. 1005-1033
Author(s):  
Tara Gonsalves

In this article, I argue that the medical conceptualization of gender identity in the United States has entered a “new regime of truth.” Drawing from a mixed-methods analysis of medical journals, I illuminate a shift in the locus of gender identity from external genitalia and pathologization of families to genes and brain structure and individualized self-conception. The sexed body itself has also undergone a transformation: Sex no longer resides solely in genitalia but has traveled to more visible parts of the body, implicating racialized aesthetic ideals in its new formulation. The re-imagining of gender identity as genetically and neurologically inscribed and the expanding locus of sex correspond to an inversion of the relationship between gender identity and the sexed body as well as shifts in medical jurisdiction. Whereas psychiatrists in the 1960s, ’70s, and ’80s understood gender as stemming from genital sex, the less popular idea that gender identity precedes the sexed body has gained traction in recent decades. If gender identity once derived from the sexed body, the sexed body must now be brought into alignment with gender identity. The increasing legitimacy of self-defined gender identity, the expanding definition of racialized sex, and the inversion of the sex–gender identity relationship elevates the role of surgeons in producing racialized and sexed bodies.


Author(s):  
Amaney A. Jamal

This chapter provides a detailed account of how ordinary citizens rationalize their political preferences. First, it documents the causal logics citizens employ when supporting the monarchy in Jordan. It illustrates how people who believe that the current regime has privileged and important relations with the United States may come to support a regime even when it is otherwise not in their apparent interest. This is so because they fear the role anti-American Islamists may play in harming the relationship if they come to power. Furthermore, the chapter demonstrates that this is not the case in Kuwait, because the Islamist opposition is pro-American. Second, it examines the ways citizens who oppose the regime in Jordan cling to an elastic definition of Sharia, one that seeks to challenge the geopolitical status quo altogether. This chapter relies on a series of open-ended interviews conducted by two research teams in Jordan and Kuwait.


Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Nofar Sheffi

Rethinking ‘sharing’ and the relationship between ‘sharing’ and ‘jurisdiction’, this meander proceeds in three parts. It begins with a journey to and through the forests of the nineteenth-century Rhineland, rereading Marx’s journalistic reports on debates in the Sixth Rhine Province Assembly about proposed amendments to forest regulation (including an extension of the definition of ‘wood theft’ to include the gathering of fallen wood) as a reflection on the making of law by legal bodies. From the forests of the Rhineland, the paper journeys to the forests of England, retracing the common story about the development, by legal bodies, of the body of common law principles applicable to ‘innkeeping’. Traveling to and through the ‘concrete jungles’ of the United States of America, the paper concludes with a reflection on Airbnb’s common story of creation as well as debates about the legality of Airbnb, Airbnb-ing, and ‘sharing’.


2007 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marisa L. Beeble ◽  
Deborah Bybee ◽  
Cris M. Sullivan

While research has found that millions of children in the United States are exposed to their mothers being battered, and that many are themselves abused as well, little is known about the ways in which children are used by abusers to manipulate or harm their mothers. Anecdotal evidence suggests that perpetrators use children in a variety of ways to control and harm women; however, no studies to date have empirically examined the extent of this occurring. Therefore, the current study examined the extent to which survivors of abuse experienced this, as well as the conditions under which it occurred. Interviews were conducted with 156 women who had experienced recent intimate partner violence. Each of these women had at least one child between the ages of 5 and 12. Most women (88%) reported that their assailants had used their children against them in varying ways. Multiple variables were found to be related to this occurring, including the relationship between the assailant and the children, the extent of physical and emotional abuse used by the abuser against the woman, and the assailant's court-ordered visitation status. Findings point toward the complex situational conditions by which assailants use the children of their partners or ex-partners to continue the abuse, and the need for a great deal more research in this area.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document