Political Determinants of Public-Private Partnerships

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joan Prats ◽  
Helen Harris ◽  
Juan Andrés Pérez

During the last three decades, Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) have emerged as a new contractual arrangement to provide infrastructure investment and services. Examining the evolution of PPPs contracts in emerging countries, this paper analyses the role played by political institutions and partisanship showing that: (i) PPPs are more used when governmental and legislative transaction costs increase; and (ii) political partisanship does not explain the use and consolidation of PPPs as a contractual arrangement. The paper also confirms the relevance of macroeconomic and institutional quality variability variables found in previous literature and sheds new light regarding the political economy of PPPs, especially on how political governance structures shape incentives for using PPPs as a contractual mechanism.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Arel-Bundock

Many large-N cross-national studies claim to show that political institutions and phenomena determine where foreign direct investment (FDI) flows. In this article, I argue that these studies tend to overemphasize statistical significance and often neglect to assess the explanatory or predictive power of their theories. To illustrate the problem, I estimate variations of a statistical model published in an influential article on “Political Risk, Institutions, and FDI.” I find that none of the political variables that the authors consider accounts for much of the variation in aggregate FDI inflows. To ensure that this underwhelming result is not driven by misspecification or measurement error, I leverage a large firm-level data set on the investment location decisions of thousands of multinational firms. Using nonparametric machine-learning techniques and out-of-sample tests, I show that gravity variables can help us develop very accurate expectations about firm behavior but that none of the 31 “political determinants” of FDI that I consider can do much to improve our expectations. These findings have important implications because they suggest that governments retain some room to move in the face of economic globalization.


Author(s):  
Iryna Butyrs’ka

The article is devoted to the analysis of political communication as a special kind of political relations; through which subjects dominate in politics regulate the production and distribution of socio-political ideas. In the modern world, political communication serves as an integral element of political governance, the success of the functioning of the entire political system of society depends on its quality. The author believes that modern political governance has a communicative nature, so political communication plays a leading role in the information society. This, in turn, leads to a change in the classical model of political governance, based on the coercion and legitimate legitimacy of violence by the communicative model of political governance. At the same time, information and communication technologies and the development of new means of communication directly change the system of relations between the state and society, including in the political sphere, which already influences the effectiveness of political management of society through traditional instruments, posing to the states and political institutions the problem of developing new approaches to political communication with the masses. The underestimation of the consequences of the introduction of modern information and communication technologies in everyday life can become a powerful factor in destabilizing the political system, associated with a sharp drop in the effectiveness of classical mass models of political governance.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Francis Hualupmomi

<p>This study examines how political governance of liquid fuels at the institutional level contributes to energy security in Papua New Guinea (PNG) from a political economic perspective. An interpretive methodology and critical case analysis design were used to analyse LNG energy governance regime (policies, legislation, and institutions) and its relationship with energy security. The research design involved analysis of participants’ observations and documents in relation to the critical cases (instances) in the practice of the energy regime under the Somare and O’Neill governments between 2002 and 2017.  By using the characteristics of the Quality Energy Governance Framework (QEGF) which emerged from the analysis of the literature on energy governance and energy security, this study shared a new policy insight that energy security is actually created through the interactions that occur between political actors and the institutions and processes of energy governance. The study found that energy governance is a system of interacting institutions, policies and legislation created by the political institutions for the purpose of achieving economic efficiency in order to produce public value. The effective functioning of this system depends on the quality of the political institutions. A strong political institution constructs a quality policy regime which, in turn, translates into operational and adaptive qualities of an energy regime that enhances energy security. Alternatively, where a political institution is weak, the operational and adaptive qualities of the energy governance system are also incrementally diminished, thus generating energy insecurity, which, in turn, affects development outcomes.  Accordingly, the study concludes that in PNG the qualities of the energy governance system did not seem to effectively function efficiently as a whole due to the political-economic interests and non-compliance to the institutional qualities. This, in turn, has had the effect of generating energy insecurity rather than enhancing energy security. In effect, the practices associated with the formal governance arrangements have failed to deliver a consistent and predictable governance system for PNG LNG and development outcomes have suffered as a result. The social interaction of political and economic actors and their interests in the energy governance system is complex and quite difficult to predict, resulting in an unstable energy regime. Given the unpredictability of this energy regime, political reform should assume primacy as a first order priority to withstand emerging energy governance issues and challenges that might contribute to energy insecurity.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Francis Hualupmomi

<p>This study examines how political governance of liquid fuels at the institutional level contributes to energy security in Papua New Guinea (PNG) from a political economic perspective. An interpretive methodology and critical case analysis design were used to analyse LNG energy governance regime (policies, legislation, and institutions) and its relationship with energy security. The research design involved analysis of participants’ observations and documents in relation to the critical cases (instances) in the practice of the energy regime under the Somare and O’Neill governments between 2002 and 2017.  By using the characteristics of the Quality Energy Governance Framework (QEGF) which emerged from the analysis of the literature on energy governance and energy security, this study shared a new policy insight that energy security is actually created through the interactions that occur between political actors and the institutions and processes of energy governance. The study found that energy governance is a system of interacting institutions, policies and legislation created by the political institutions for the purpose of achieving economic efficiency in order to produce public value. The effective functioning of this system depends on the quality of the political institutions. A strong political institution constructs a quality policy regime which, in turn, translates into operational and adaptive qualities of an energy regime that enhances energy security. Alternatively, where a political institution is weak, the operational and adaptive qualities of the energy governance system are also incrementally diminished, thus generating energy insecurity, which, in turn, affects development outcomes.  Accordingly, the study concludes that in PNG the qualities of the energy governance system did not seem to effectively function efficiently as a whole due to the political-economic interests and non-compliance to the institutional qualities. This, in turn, has had the effect of generating energy insecurity rather than enhancing energy security. In effect, the practices associated with the formal governance arrangements have failed to deliver a consistent and predictable governance system for PNG LNG and development outcomes have suffered as a result. The social interaction of political and economic actors and their interests in the energy governance system is complex and quite difficult to predict, resulting in an unstable energy regime. Given the unpredictability of this energy regime, political reform should assume primacy as a first order priority to withstand emerging energy governance issues and challenges that might contribute to energy insecurity.</p>


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ирина Юдина ◽  
Irina Yudina

This work is an attempt to explain the political roots from which banking systems have evolved in different countries and how they have evolved at different times. For this purpose, materials and analysis tools from three different disciplines were used: economic history, political science and Economics. The main idea that is set out in this paper is the statement that the strength and weakness of the banking system is a consequence of the Great political game and that the rules of this game are written by the main political institutions.


Author(s):  
M.L. LEBEDEVA

The purpose of writing this article is to highlight the features of organization of the regional policy in France on the basis of the theoretical understanding of the concepts of regional policy, model of regional policy and policy analogy. The research topic is the content of the French policy of organizing a regional political space. The object of the research is the power technologies of regional policy. The systemstructural method, which considers political relations as an integral system of interconnections of phenomena and events of the political process, makes it possible to determine the main essential content of this research topic. Institutional approach involves the study of political institutions and their content. An analysis of Russian and foreign sources suggests that the main issue posed in the article is relevant at the present stage of development. The study is made possible on the basis of existing research. A comprehensive study of the conceptual theoretical characteristics of the regional policy as such allowed the author to identify the model and features of the political toolkit for the organization of thecenterregions relations in modern French Republic.


Author(s):  
Tracey Raney

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179


Author(s):  
Shaun Bowler

This chapter analyzes to what extent variation in political institutions affects political support. The chapter observes that the existing research is not always clear on which institutions should produce what kind of effect, although a general expectation is that institutional arrangements improve political support when they give citizens an increased sense of connection to the political process. In general then, we should expect institutions that strengthen the quality of representation to strengthen political support. This general expectation is specified in six hypotheses that are tested using data from the ESS 2012. The chapter demonstrates that electoral systems that provide voters with more choice about candidates, multiparty governments, and “responsive” legislatures, correlate positively with political support. However, compared to other macro-level factors and individual characteristics, the effects of political institutions on political support are modest. The chapter concludes that the prospects for institutional reform to strengthen political support are limited.


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