Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples by the specialized agencies and the international institutions associated with the United Nations

2014 ◽  
pp. 29-29
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
The United Nations

scholarly journals Introduction: International Institutions and Peaceful Change

2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 457-459
Author(s):  
Kai He ◽  
T. V. Paul ◽  
Anders Wivel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nuclear Forces ◽  
Trade Disputes ◽  
Investment Bank ◽  
Appellate Body ◽  
The United Nations

The rise of “the rest,” especially China, has triggered an inevitable transformation of the so-called liberal international order. Rising powers have started to both challenge and push for the reform of existing multilateral institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and to create new ones, such as the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). The United States under the Trump administration, on the other hand, has retreated from the international institutions that the country once led or helped to create, including the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP); the Paris Agreement; the Iran nuclear deal; the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO); and the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC). The United States has also paralyzed the ability of the World Trade Organization (WTO) to settle trade disputes by blocking the appointment of judges to its appellate body. Moreover, in May 2020, President Trump announced his decision to quit the Open Skies Treaty, an arms control regime designed to promote transparency among its members regarding military activities. During the past decade or so, both Russia and the United States have been dismantling multilateral arms control treaties one by one while engaging in new nuclear buildups at home.

Epilogue

2019 ◽  
pp. 176-182
Author(s):  
Adom Getachew
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
The State ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Institutional Form ◽  
American Imperialism ◽  
Postcolonial State ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Right ◽  
Critical Resources

This epilogue charts the fall of self-determination and illustrates that the collapse of anticolonial worldmaking continues to structure our contemporary moment. Picking up in the immediate aftermath of the NIEO, it locates self-determination's fall in two developments—the increasingly critical orientation of Western intellectuals and politicians toward the right to self-determination as well as the diminution of international institutions like the United Nations where anticolonial nationalists had staged their worldmaking. Together the normative erosion of self-determination and marginalization of the United Nations set the stage for the resurgence of international hierarchy and a newly unrestrained American imperialism. At the same time, the critical resources of anticolonial nationalism appeared to be exhausted as the institutional form of the postcolonial state fell short of its democratic and egalitarian aspirations, and anticolonial worldmaking retreated into a minimalist defense of the state.

BOOK REVIEWSBOOK REVIEWSHeinzeEricDr26Faculty of Laws, Queen Mary and Westfield College, University of London26The author wishes to thank Peter Fitzpatrick and Istvan Pogany for their valuable comments.081999462269276Schulte-TenckhoffI., La question des peuples autochtones, Bruylant, Brussels 1997, x + 235 pp., BFr. 540/FF 90.Copyright © T.M.C. Asser Press 19991999T.M.C. Asser PresspdfS0165070X00002461a.pdfdispartBook Reviews1.For a classic statement, see ‘Reparations for Injuries Suffered in the Service of the United Nations’, ICJ Rep. (1949) p. 174 (11 April). See also, e.g., HailbronnerK., ‘Der Staat und der Einzelne als Völkerrechtssubjekte’, in VitzthumW. Graf, ed., Völkerrecht (Berlin, De Gruyter 1997) pp. 181, 188–204; JenningsR. and WattsA., Oppenheim's International Law, Vol. 1, 9th edn. (London, Longmann 1992).2.See, e.g., Hailbronner, op. cit. n. 1, p. 196; Jennings and Watts, op. cit. n. 1, pp. 162–162; Nguyen Quoc Dinh, et al., Droit international public, 5th edn. (Paris, Librairie Générale de Droit et de Jurisprudence 1994) pp. 166–167,497–499.3.In addition to the work reviewed here, see, e.g., AnayaJ., Indigenous Peoples in International Law (New York, Oxford University Press 1996); TenantC., ‘Indigenous Peoples, International Institutions and the International Legal Literature from 1945 to 1993

1999 ◽  
Vol 46 (02) ◽  
pp. 269
Author(s):  
Eric Heinze
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Oxford University ◽  
Legal Literature ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Droit International ◽  
Peuples Autochtones

scholarly journals International Institutions, Global “Partnerships” and the Structural Power of Multinational Corporations

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 76-95
Author(s):  
Mark Machecek
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Multinational Corporations ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Global Security ◽  
Humanitarian Response ◽  
High Commissioner ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
Governance Institutions ◽  
New Research

Throughout the last two decades, institutions of global security and governance have undergone a paradigmatic shift in their engagements with multinational corporations (MNCs). The United Nations, in particular, has increasingly embraced big business as “partner” in human security, humanitarian response and development through formalized “global public–private partnerships” (GP3s). Naturally, a debate has emerged on the efficacies of these GP3s and their implications for global governance. This paper contributes to this debate by proposing and employing a new research agenda that interrogates the impacts that GP3s have on international institutions themselves using a case study of a particular UN agency, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). It will argue that UNHCR GP3s are a highly asymmetrical set of power relations that are having constitutive effects on the agency. The UNHCR is undergoing significant operational and ideological changes in the GP3 process in a manner that is synonymous with Stephen Gill’s (1998) concept of “new constitutionalism”; a reconstitution that opens up and further embeds the agency within the forces of the capitalist global political economy. Hence, this case study demonstrates that GP3s are capable of undermining the mandate and autonomy of global security and governance institutions.

scholarly journals Cutting the Gordian Knot: Is an Effective Cooperation Regime for Marine Scientific Research in Northeast Asia Feasible?

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-280
Author(s):  
Minchul Kim
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Northeast Asia ◽  
Scientific Research ◽  
Law Of The Sea ◽  
Joint Research ◽  
Modus Vivendi ◽  
United Nations Convention ◽  
The United Nations

Abstract This article considers an approach for achieving an effective cooperation regime for marine scientific research (MSR) in Northeast Asia. Specifically, it addresses the causes of MSR-related disputes in undelimited maritime areas and explores its reality in Northeast Asia through case studies. It further examines the legality of unilateral research or survey activities in undelimited maritime areas, considering Articles 74(3) and 83(3) of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Based on such discussions, it offers suggestions for realizing a cooperative regime for MSR. This article’s primary argument is that it is worth considering a regime-building suggestion in alignment with the original spirit of MSR, despite the challenges it may entail. To that end, it emphasizes that efforts should be made to remove the causes of disputes and recommends a cooperative regime led by international institutions and a joint research regime as a modus vivendi.

Action or inaction: United Nations Security Council activity, 1994–2013

2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (5) ◽  
pp. 658-665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Hannah Allen ◽  
Amy T Yuen
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Security Council ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
United Nations Security Council ◽  
Legislative Behavior ◽  
Public Meetings ◽  
Daily Data ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
International Issues ◽  
The United Nations

This article presents new data on the behavior of the United Nations Security Council from 1994 to 2013. Which international issues does the United Nations Security Council act upon? Which issues are ignored, languishing for years on the Council’s agenda? What are the characteristics of the issues that are considered by the Council and what are the characteristics of those that are overlooked? Beginning with the annual Summary Statements on matters of which the Security Council is seized, information was gathered for every agenda item that appears on the Security Council’s agenda during this period. Daily data are recorded for the number of public meetings and private informal consultations held, as well as the number of resolutions (which are voted on), presidential statements (which are a product of consensus), and vetoes that occur. These data offer scholars new opportunities for testing theories of legislative behavior in international institutions, particularly on issues of peace and security, that have not been available heretofore. In this article, we introduce the data and coding processes, present trends, illustrate prospects for research that could benefit from these data and provide an empirical application.

Supplying protection: The United Nations and public support for humanitarian intervention

2017 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 248-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey PR Wallace
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Burden Sharing ◽  
Humanitarian Interventions ◽  
Collective Action Problems ◽  
The Us ◽  
The United Nations

This paper examines the role of the constellation of interveners, along with the approval of international institutions like the United Nations, on public support for military interventions to protect civilians during war. Concerns over burden sharing and free riding have figured prominently in recent debates over the provision, or lack thereof, of humanitarian interventions. An experiment embedded in a survey of a representative sample of the US public shows that citizens are influenced less by the extent of material contributions from other countries than by whether the United Nations sanctions the mission. Further analysis indicates that the United Nations functions as a legitimating device that can help overcome collective action problems, rather than through alternative approaches emphasizing the signaling of information or ensuring greater military resources. The findings have implications for research on the role of international institutions and the domestic politics of support for the use of force.

scholarly journals The Key Role of Sport for Development and Peace in the World

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-115
Author(s):  
Niels De Fraguier
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Social Development ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
Solid Base ◽  
The Sustainable Development ◽  
Sport For Development ◽  
The World ◽  
New Form ◽  
The United Nations

“Sport has the power to change the world”. This quote from Nelson Mandela following by the story of South Africa and his rugby team is certainly one of the best examples than sport is a powerful soft power tool to promote peace and help to solve difficult diplomatic situations and create cohesion in local communities. It will be needed to increase and improve the using of sport as a tool to resolve conflicts and crisis. The choice of a relationship between Sport and Social Development as subject permit to think and understand the role and the goals of the International organizations in the project creation gait. This presentation aims at thinking about the future of the international institutions after the closure of the United Nations Office on Sport for Development and Peace and gives some recommendations linked to this paper findings. This new situation is, according to the United Nations (UN), the logical next step but it is including some risks about the aim of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) in the area of social development. It will be demonstrated that the work of UN was really effective to create a solid base for sport projects and a huge credibility for international institutions and government. A new form will be developed for projects which include a new form of actions which will include IOC for its influence but also the social actors of United Nations to keep in mind the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG’s).

Political Approaches

2008 ◽  
pp. 40-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael N. Barnett ◽  
Martha Finnemore
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
United Nations ◽  
International Society ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
International Organization ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
The United Nations

This article discusses theoretical approaches that have led the study of international organization, including the United Nations (UN), for the last fifty years. It explores how analysts have conceived the ways that the UN not only regulates the existing activities of states, but also helps weave the fabric of international society. It clarifies the different schools of thought that were developed throughout the twentieth century to help understand the behaviour and misbehaviour of international institutions. The article concludes by asking scholars to work harder in understanding influence within intergovernmental organizations, otherwise known as the first, second, and third UN.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document