scholarly journals Exposição por chumbo dos profissionais de segurança pública na região de Cascavel-PR

Author(s):  
V. De Souza ◽  
O. Korand ◽  
A. C. Gonçalves Junior

<p>EO objetivo desta pesquisa é mostrar os riscos a que estão expostos os profissionais de segurança pública. Sendo realizadas análises do solo do estande de tiro, verificandoos índices de contaminação por chumbo para apresentar o panorama atual de como está este ambiente utilizado pelos policiais militares. .Este trabalho apresenta os resultados do monitoramento temporal do solo do estande de tiro da Polícia Militar localizado no município de Cascavel, Paraná, através de levantamento de amostras em duas campanhas realizadas nos anos de 2013 e 2015. Que consistiu na comparação dos resultados, executados nos mesmos locais. Obtendo-se assim os teores de chumbo tendo em vista a deposição de projéteis de arma de fogo no solo do estande. Foi possível avaliar o grau de contaminação existente e comparar com a determinação legal da Resolução 420 do CONAMA que estabelece os níveis aceitáveis ou não de chumbo no solo. Os índices de teores de chumbo apresentados demonstram que os profissionais de segurança pública, em particular os policiais militares, podem estar expostos à contaminação e assim devem ser tomadas medidas de remediação conforme a prevê a legislação vigente. </p><p align="center"><strong><em>Lead exposure in the professional public safety region Cascavel-PR </em></strong></p><pre><strong>Abstract:</strong> The objective of this research is to show the risks they are public safety workers exposed. Being from the shooting range soil analyzes, verifying the lead contamination indexes to present the current situation of how this environment is used by police. This paper presents the results of temporal monitoring of soil Military Police firing range located in Cascavel, Paraná, through a survey samples in two campaigns conducted in the years 2013 and 2015. That was the comparison of results, performed in same places. Thus yielding the lead content in view of the deposition of firearm projectiles in the soil of the stand. It was possible to evaluate the degree of contamination and compare with the legal requirements of Resolution 420 of CONAMA establishing acceptable levels or absence of lead in soil. The lead content ratios presented show that the public safety professionals, particularly the military police, may be exposed to contamination and thus should be taken remedial measures as the current legislation provides.</pre><p> </p><div> </div>

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Viviane de Oliveira Cubas ◽  
Frederico Castelo Branco ◽  
André Rodrigues de Oliveira ◽  
Fernanda Novaes Cruz

PurposeThe authors examine predictors of self-legitimacy for police officers belonging to the Military Police force of São Paulo (Brazil). Considering the variables mobilized by the literature on self-legitimacy, the authors seek to identify what explains the self-legitimacy of militarized police officers.Design/methodology/approachA survey was applied to 298 frontline police officers in the city of São Paulo, analyzing indicators separated into two groups: relationship dimension and organizational dimension. An ordinary least square model is used to test the “relationship” and “organizational” variables on police officers' self-legitimacy.FindingsEffectiveness is the strongest predictor for self-legitimacy. Organizational justice and distributive justice also present important effects, as the perception of citizens' attitudes toward police reinforces the conception of self-legitimacy as a dialogical construct, comprising here the public's expectations of police work as well as the police officers' perceptions that they are respected and considered important by the public.Originality/valueThere are no other studies on self-legitimacy related to Brazilian police officers or exploring these aspects among police officers submitted to a militarized structure. These results contribute to the ongoing debate on the militarization of police activities and their possible effects on police legitimacy.


Author(s):  
Gilberto de Assis Barbosa dos SANTOS

Resumo: O artigo objetiva analisar como a violência policial e o racismo estampam as páginas do romance Bandeira negra, amor. O enredo, que tem como palco o morro do Borel, relata o assassinato de três adolescentes negros, vistos pela última vez entrando em uma viatura da Polícia Militar sobre quem recai a autoria da tripla execução, cujos corpos apresentam sinas de tortura. Entre as acusações feitas pelos moradores do bairro à corporação e a defesa feita pela instituição, o leitor acessará a história amorosa entre o advogado das famílias das vítimas, o negro Fred e a relações públicas da PM, a major Beatriz, que é branca. A obra nos possibilita observar que o tratamento dado pelos aparelhos repressivos às populações carentes e negras, reservado as devidas proporções, se mantém o mesmo desde as últimas décadas da escravidão no Brasil Oitocentista. Palavras-chave: Violência, Literatura, Polícia Militar, Preconceito racial, Pobreza  Abstract: The article analyzes how the police violence and the racism represent the pages from the romance “Bandeira negra, amor”. The plot happens in the hill of the Borel and describe the murder of three black teenagers, who was seen entering in a Military Police car that is guilty by the murder and shows signs of torture. Between the accusations did by the neighborhood residentes for the corporation and the apology did by the institution, the reader will access the love story between the lawyer of the victims families, the black man Fred and the public relations of the Military Police, the major Beatriz, who is white. The book shows that the treatment given by the repressive powers to the needy and black population remains the same since the last slavery decades in Brazil of the nineteenth century. Keywords: Violence, Literature, Military Police, Racial Prejudice, Poverty


Revista LEVS ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicente Nicola NOVELLINO

Resumo: Este artigo foi elaborado com foco no papel das polícias militares nas manifestações públicas no cumprimento de suas atribuições constitucionais de preservação da ordem pública. O tema é iniciado com aspectos referentes aos conceitos de manifestação pública, ressaltando esse importante instrumento que representa a voz de uma sociedade e a essência dos regimes democráticos consolidados. Destaca-se o fundamento desse direito decorrente da Constituição Federal de 1988 que assegurou a todos a liberdade de reunião para fins pacíficos e sem armas, cujo exercício não é absoluto pois encontra limitações em situações previstas pela Lei Maior, como excepcionais. Sobre as polícias militares em primeiro lugar é importante mencionar suas competências, conforme previsão constitucional em capítulo específico destinado à segurança pública, para depois entender o alcance doutrinário do conceito de ordem pública e sua preservação como fundamento que legitima a atuação dessas Instituições no âmbito de seus estados. A partir desse entendimento, não só dos dispositivos constitucionais, mas também por outras previsões em legislação específica, perfeitamente recepcionada pela atual Constituição, é possível o inferir o papel das polícias militares e sua atuação nas manifestações públicas com uma função precípua de garante, assegurando a todos, participantes ou não, a segurança para que possam exercer seu direito livremente. Como conclusão deve ser reconhecida a importância das liberdades públicas, e concomitantemente garantir a segurança de todos os cidadãos no exercício pacífico e legítimo de seus direitos. Palavras chave: Manifestação Pública; Liberdade de Reunião; Polícia Militar; Ordem Pública; Segurança Pública. Abstract: This article was elaborated with focus on the role of the military police in the public manifestations in the fulfillment of its constitutional attributions of preservation of the public order. The theme begins with aspects related to the concepts of public manifestation, highlighting this important instrument that represents the voice of a society and the essence of consolidated democratic regimes. It should be stressed that this right derives from the 1988 Federal Constitution, which guaranteed freedom of assembly for peaceful and unarmed purposes, which is not absolute because it finds limitations in situations provided for by the Grand Law as exceptional. Regarding the military police, it is important to mention their competences, according to the constitutional provision in a specific chapter intended for public security, and then to understand the doctrinal scope of the concept of public order and its preservation as a foundation that legitimates the performance of these institutions within their States. From this understanding, not only from constitutional provisions, but also from other provisions in specific legislation, perfectly approved by the current Constitution, it is possible to infer the role of military police and their role in public demonstrations with a primary function of guarantor, All, participants or not, security so that they can exercise their right freely. In conclusion, the importance of public freedoms should be recognized, while at the same time guaranteeing the security of all citizens in the peaceful and legitimate exercise of their rights. Keywords: Public Manifestation; Freedom of Meeting; Military Police; Public Order; Public Security.   


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-51
Author(s):  
Alin Teodor Huseraș ◽  
Andrei Ciprian Spînu

AbstractNational defense is one of the key sectors responsible for maintaining national security, being considered at the same time an element of great importance and strict necessity of the public sector. The performance of defense functions and missions are closely linked to the military capabilities of this sector, which in turn depend on the budget for defense spending. This paper deals with some theoretical issues in the economic field of defense, regarding the size of defense spending in GDP and their social effects. It is also trying to carry out an analysis on the efficiency versus inefficiency in the use of defense resources, to finance the two types of recruitment systems, namely: by conscription or voluntary will. In order to be able to achieve the above, graphical analysis methods and calculation dermination method were used. The efficiency of spending public funds depends on both objective factors such as: distribution of a certain share of GDP to a certain area; attracting internal and external funding, as well as subjective factors, like: allocating resources to certain categories of expenses; allocating resources to certain defense programs; effective management of these resources by the competent structures. Therefore, for a program to be considered effective, it must meet the requirements of the collective needs of society, be rationally implemented and be sustainable.


Author(s):  
Iakiv Serhiiovych Halaniuk

The article highlights the author’s approach to improving coopera- tion mechanisms of the State Border Service of Ukraine with public organiza- tions and population. There has been analyzed public control as a means their cooperation and priorities of improving the cooperation, particularly, forms and methods of organizing citizens’ feedback, introduction of the assessment pro- cedure of the efficiency of the SBSU and population and public organization. There have been stated conceptual pillars of the public control development in the SBSU, developed by the author, including public control forms and resource provision. There has been considered a mechanism algorithm of the public par- ticipation in the development of the border administration through submitting petitions or proposals concerning a legally enforceable enactment draft (or the legally enforceable enactment currently in force). There has been represented a mechanism model of discussing legally enforceable enactments and public peti- tions, developed by the author. It is noted that one of the mechanisms of interac- tion of the SBSU with the public is effective public control, which becomes an in- tegral part of ensuring national security and political stability. The conditions of permanence of Ukraine's threats in the border area, and in certain areas and their exacerbation, along with further reforms of the institutes of Ukrainian statehood, cause the problem of establishing and implementing public control in the border area as an important and urgent one.It is proved that public control is intended to determine the correctness of the military-force policy in the border area, the validity of the scale and optimality of the forms of activity of the border guards. In accordance with all this, in the subject area of public control should be: political decisions on issues of border security, including international agreements; the expediency and validity of government programs for the provision and reform of the border authorities of Ukraine, assess- ment of the effectiveness of these programs and the procedure for making changes to them.


Author(s):  
Mohammad Al-Bsheish ◽  
Mu’taman Jarrar ◽  
Amanda Scarbrough

The outbreak of COVID-19 has placed a heavy burden on society, threatening the future of the entire world as the pandemic has hit health systems and economic sectors hard. Where time moves fast, continuing curfews and lockdown is impossible. This paper assembles three main safety behaviors, social distancing, wearing a facemask, and hygiene in one model (PSC Triangle) to be practiced by the public. Integrating public safety compliance with these behaviors is the main recommendation to slow the spread of COVID-19. Although some concerns and challenges face these practices, the shifting of public behaviors to be more safety-centered is appropriate and available as an urgent desire exists to return to normal life on the one hand and the medical effort to find effective cure or vaccine that has not yet succeeded on the other hand. Recommendations to enhance public safety compliance are provided.


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