IMPROVING MECHANISMS OF COOPERATION BETWEEN THE STATE BORDER SERVICE OF UKRAINE, PUBLIC ORGANISATIONS AND POPULATION

Author(s):  
Iakiv Serhiiovych Halaniuk

The article highlights the author’s approach to improving coopera- tion mechanisms of the State Border Service of Ukraine with public organiza- tions and population. There has been analyzed public control as a means their cooperation and priorities of improving the cooperation, particularly, forms and methods of organizing citizens’ feedback, introduction of the assessment pro- cedure of the efficiency of the SBSU and population and public organization. There have been stated conceptual pillars of the public control development in the SBSU, developed by the author, including public control forms and resource provision. There has been considered a mechanism algorithm of the public par- ticipation in the development of the border administration through submitting petitions or proposals concerning a legally enforceable enactment draft (or the legally enforceable enactment currently in force). There has been represented a mechanism model of discussing legally enforceable enactments and public peti- tions, developed by the author. It is noted that one of the mechanisms of interac- tion of the SBSU with the public is effective public control, which becomes an in- tegral part of ensuring national security and political stability. The conditions of permanence of Ukraine's threats in the border area, and in certain areas and their exacerbation, along with further reforms of the institutes of Ukrainian statehood, cause the problem of establishing and implementing public control in the border area as an important and urgent one.It is proved that public control is intended to determine the correctness of the military-force policy in the border area, the validity of the scale and optimality of the forms of activity of the border guards. In accordance with all this, in the subject area of public control should be: political decisions on issues of border security, including international agreements; the expediency and validity of government programs for the provision and reform of the border authorities of Ukraine, assess- ment of the effectiveness of these programs and the procedure for making changes to them.

Author(s):  
Iakiv Serhiiovych Halaniuk

The article highlights the author’s approach to improving cooperation mechanisms of the State Border Service of Ukraine with public organizations and population. There has been analyzed public control as a means their cooperation and priorities of improving the cooperation, particularly, forms and methods of organizing citizens’ feedback, introduction of the assessment procedure of the efficiency of the SBSU and population and public organization. There have been stated conceptual pillars of the public control development in the SBSU, developed by the author, including public control forms and resource provision. There has been considered a mechanism algorithm of the public participation in the development of the border administration through submitting petitions or proposals concerning a legally enforceable enactment draft (or the legally enforceable enactment currently in force). There has been represented a mechanism model of discussing legally enforceable enactments and public petitions, developed by the author. It is noted that one of the mechanisms of interaction of the SBSU with the public is effective public control, which becomes an integral part of ensuring national security and political stability. The conditions of permanence of Ukraine's threats in the border area, and in certain areas and their exacerbation, along with further reforms of the institutes of Ukrainian statehood, cause the problem of establishing and implementing public control in the border area as an important and urgent one. It is proved that public control is intended to determine the correctness of the military-force policy in the border area, the validity of the scale and optimality of the forms of activity of the border guards. In accordance with all this, in the subject area of public control should be: political decisions on issues of border security, including international agreements; the expediency and validity of government programs for the provision and reform of the border authorities of Ukraine, assessment of the effectiveness of these programs and the procedure for making changes to them.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 ◽  
pp. 11013
Author(s):  
Warsono Hardi ◽  
Nurcahyanto Herbasuki ◽  
Rifda Khaerani Thalita

The condition of the state border area between Indonesia and Malaysia is totally different. Children of Indonesian Workers (TKI) have no (limited) access to learn in formal schools since they do not have citizenship documents. This study aims to analyze the implementation of basic education mission in the border area, particularly in Sebatik island, Nunukan regency, North Kalimantan province. In addition, the research was conducted using qualitative explorative approach. Problems arising at the border area are very diverse and systemic. The Indonesian government conducts the education in border areas still very limitedly. The role of the public, corporate and private companies (Three Net Working) becomes very important in operating the schools in border area. The role of a former lecturer who is famously called Mrs. Midwife Suraidah is very dominant in helping TKI’s children to learn a variety of knowledge in Sekolah Tapal Batas (Tapal Batas School) in Sebatik island, Nunukan Regency, North Kalimantan province. Some help from companies such as Pertamina (national oil mining company), Dompet Dhuafa foundation and volunteers who are willing to be teachers strongly support the continuously of Tapal Batas School. The continuity of basic education in the state border becomes a challenge for the government since the purpose of the country written in the opening of Constitution 1945 is the intellectual life of the nation can be realized by implementing it in Nawacita program.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candice Delmas

Is the civic duty to report crime and corruption a genuine moral duty? After clarifying the nature of the duty, I consider a couple of negative answers to the question, and turn to an attractive and commonly held view, according to which this civic duty is a genuine moral duty. On this view, crime and corruption threaten political stability, and citizens have a moral duty to report crime and corruption to the government in order to help the government’s law enforcement efforts. The resulting duty is triply general in that it applies to everyone, everywhere, and covers all criminal and corrupt activity. In this paper, I challenge the general scope of this argument. I argue that that the civic duty to report crime and corruption to the authorities is much narrower than the government claims and people might think, for it only arises when the state (i) condemns genuine wrongdoing and serious ethical offenses as “crime” and “corruption,” and (ii) constitutes a dependable “disclosure recipient,” showing the will and power to hold wrongdoers accountable. I further defend a robust duty to directly report to the public—one that is weightier and wider than people usually assume. When condition (ii) fails to obtain, I submit, citizens are released of the duty to report crime and corruption to the authorities, but are bound to report to the public, even when the denunciation targets the government and is risky or illegal.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-64
Author(s):  
Kirill А. Ivanov

The article describes the activities of public organisations in the early 20th century in Vologda and Vologda Province. It is shown that the activity of the public was constantly growing during the study period. Moreover, the political activity of the society was significantly influenced by all-Russia events, while non-political organisations slowly but surely extended their influence to an increasing number of spheres of life of the local population. Public organisations constantly cooperated with both state authorities and local self-government. The research is based on working with materials on Vologda Province, their analysis to understand how the mechanism of cooperation and interaction of local self-government bodies with the provincial government, the Governor and the bureaucracy was built. As a result of the study, it became possible to show that the number of public organisations in Vologda Province had been growing since the early 20th century, although the number of political organisations was not enough. There were also no serious conflicts or opposition from the authorities in relation to public organisations. Most of the public structures were apolitical in nature and dealt mainly with social issues without paying attention to the problems of interaction with the state authorities.


Author(s):  
Roman Titov

The article studies the specificity of formation of the concept of the information and communication sphere of international relations related to public legitimation of the use of military force. The relations between military and political subjects and the civil society, emerging in this process, are defined by the author as international military and civil relations. The research object is the international military and civil relations discourse formed by the participants for the purpose of organization, preparation and use of military force. The research subject is the peculiarity of its formation at the present stage. The author gives special attention to the issues of information activities of the military policy subjects on the Internet, noting the leading role of electronic media and social networks. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the application of the discourse approach to the analysis of the information activities of military and political subjects. Based on the current understanding of a discourse, the author considers it in terms of the reproduction of ideas in the public conscience. Being a component of the military and political discourse, the international military and civil relations discourse has some peculiarities determined by its purpose, the subjects, producing it, and the specificity of its formation at the present stage. The author suggests considering the international military and civil relations discourse as a developing in time communicative event with different levels of representation which are in constant conceptual connection. The textual level is represented by official documents and statements of heads of states and their coalitions. The contextual level - by discussions, debates and negotiations in Mass Media. The pre-contextual level is represented by feelings, emotions and conditions contained in the public mind and manifested in social networks users’ posts. The author arrives at the conclusion that the international military and civil relations discourse is used as a means of political influence reflecting the ideology and worldview of the subjects producing it.   


Author(s):  
Kristina Mani

The Honduran military has a long history of established roles oriented toward both external defense and internal security and civic action. Since the end of military rule in 1982, the military has remained a key political, economic, and social actor. Politically, the military retains a constitutional mandate as guarantor of the political system and enforcer of electoral rules. Economically, its officers direct state enterprises and manage a massive pension fund obscured from public audit. Socially, the military takes on numerous civic action tasks—building infrastructure, conserving forests, providing healthcare, and policing crime—that make the state appear to be useful to its people and bring the military into direct contact with the public almost daily. As a result, the military has ranked high in public trust in comparison with other institutions of the state. Most significantly, the military has retained the role of arbiter in the Honduran political system. This became brutally clear in the coup of 2009 that removed the elected president, Manuel Zelaya. Although new rules enhancing civilian control of the military had been instituted during the 1990s, the military’s authority in politics was restored through the coup that ousted Zelaya. As no civilian politician can succeed without support for and from the military, the missions of the armed forces have expanded substantially so that the military is an “all-purpose” institution within a remarkably weak and increasingly corrupt state.


Author(s):  
A. Sindeev

The article examines the state of the Bundeswehr reform in the context of the European Security and Defence Policy. The emphasis is laid on the process of major decisions preparation, problems to be solved in the course of the reform, the state of the Bundeswehr, the role of a subjective facilitation, and on the approaches of three German Ministers of Defence. According to the article, the Bundeswehr is being transformed into an offensive army. It will be active outside Germany, and is gradually changing its essence as a parliamentary army. The reform was prepared gradually and imperceptibly to the public. In 2010, the Weise-Commission presented the reform proposals. The new Defence Minister De Maizière left these proposals unchanged. His merit was a good management of the reform. The scandal with the Euro Hawk forced him to resign. As the next Minister Von der Leyen was new to the Ministry of Defence, the reform of the Bundeswehr stopped. Germany will have to realize a dual strategy: а) to strengthen the military cooperation in the EU and NАТО; b) to maintain the own strength before the emergence of the EU security and defence structures and mechanisms.


Author(s):  
N. N. Kulakova

The study of the problem of the formation of the Russian civil society is accompanied both in practical and theoretical terms by a whole complex of contradictions and complexities that originate in the ambiguous history of this phenomenon and as well in its equally multivariate interpretation by the scientific community and the general public. Admitting as a fact the common weakness of Russian non-governmental relation, the author considered, practically as an exception, the work of military veteran communities as an example of the successful civil activity of the significant part of the population of the Russian state. Social, military veteran organisations act as a social  institute created by the citizens apart from the state based on solidary interests of their members. At the same time, functioning as a structural element of the civil society they simultaneously represent the mechanism of political socialisation of veterans. Modern veteran organisations are founded and presented in the social and political space of Russia widely enough. It is movements, committees, unions, funds, associations. They have an extensive ramified network the local and regional levels, co-operate with similar communities in the countries of CIS and international organisations. Veteran organisations act as intermediaries between an individual and a group on the one hand and between society and the state from the other, contribute to the strengthening of the mechanism of their interaction, and form new systems of partnership. The issue of social protection and adaptation of military personnel, in particular, the combatants, will remain urgent  for the Russian society in the longer term. Modern political practice, mainly counting on the military force in international affairs, promotes further growth of the number of veterans of wars and military service. Over the last few years, more than 50 thousand soldiers and officers participating in the military campaign in Syria became the members of Russian veterans. The quality of interaction of social organisations of military veterans and state structures has a determinant influence on th participation of the former soldier in socio-political processes. Today, powerful potential of these organisations, capable effectively influence state politics, is used by state structures in an insignificant degree. It can be explained by the unwillingness of the Russian elite and Russian business to interact with civil society.


Author(s):  
Antonio Carlos de Souza Lima ◽  
Caio Gonçalves Dias

Abstract In this article we argue that, in order to understand the “attack” made on anthropology in Brazil, undertaken in the public sphere since the beginning of the second decade of the twenty-first century, we need to look at how anthropological knowledge has become disciplined and institutionalized in the medium to long term. We refer, in particular, to the relationship between what has been constituted as a “field of anthropology” and issues related to the public sphere. It is also necessary to consider the configuration with other institutionalized knowledge throughout the period spanning from the end of the nineteenth century to the present, with discontinuities but also with some important continuities. We look to show that the anthropology initially undertaken in Brazil was basically committed to furthering the interests of the agrarian-based political elites, a situation that continued from the turn of the nineteenth century to the twentieth century and into the first decades of the twenty-first, not only at the level of nation building, but also in the formation of the State. However, since the 1950s, and especially following creation of the new postgraduate courses in the late 1960s and early 1970s, anthropologists developed knowledge that led them to make an ethical and moral commitment to the communities with which they worked, combined with a critique of the military regime’s developmentalism and dictatorial authoritarianism. During a third moment ranging from the constituent process to the present, a portion of Brazilian anthropologists began to work directly in the recognition of rights constitutionally assigned to differentiated collectivities, generating a growing and progressive zone of friction with the hegemonic sectors at the economic-political level.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 220
Author(s):  
Saeful Anwar

<p>This article explores the history of thoughts and movements of the Front Pembela Islam (FPI) in Indonesia between 1998 and 2012. The study concludes that since many government regulations are violated by the public, including the prohibition of gambling, prostitution and other forms of disobedience and lack of firmness of the government, FPI feels the need to take the initiative to help the government fight against immorality in order to enforce <em>amr ma‘rûf nahy munkar</em>. This is done through the movement run by the military force of the FPI who often uses means of violence. In line with this study, FPI should not perform <em>nahy munkar</em> movement using any violent means, such as damaging public facilities, hurting people, and other destructive deeds. The reason is that by doing such violent actions, FPI will not even help resolving the moral problems that occur in Indonesia. In addition, the violent movement does not reflect the image of Islam as a religion of peace.</p>


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document