scholarly journals VIOLÊNCIA POLICIAL E RACISMO EM “BANDEIRA NEGRA, AMOR”

Author(s):  
Gilberto de Assis Barbosa dos SANTOS

Resumo: O artigo objetiva analisar como a violência policial e o racismo estampam as páginas do romance Bandeira negra, amor. O enredo, que tem como palco o morro do Borel, relata o assassinato de três adolescentes negros, vistos pela última vez entrando em uma viatura da Polícia Militar sobre quem recai a autoria da tripla execução, cujos corpos apresentam sinas de tortura. Entre as acusações feitas pelos moradores do bairro à corporação e a defesa feita pela instituição, o leitor acessará a história amorosa entre o advogado das famílias das vítimas, o negro Fred e a relações públicas da PM, a major Beatriz, que é branca. A obra nos possibilita observar que o tratamento dado pelos aparelhos repressivos às populações carentes e negras, reservado as devidas proporções, se mantém o mesmo desde as últimas décadas da escravidão no Brasil Oitocentista. Palavras-chave: Violência, Literatura, Polícia Militar, Preconceito racial, Pobreza  Abstract: The article analyzes how the police violence and the racism represent the pages from the romance “Bandeira negra, amor”. The plot happens in the hill of the Borel and describe the murder of three black teenagers, who was seen entering in a Military Police car that is guilty by the murder and shows signs of torture. Between the accusations did by the neighborhood residentes for the corporation and the apology did by the institution, the reader will access the love story between the lawyer of the victims families, the black man Fred and the public relations of the Military Police, the major Beatriz, who is white. The book shows that the treatment given by the repressive powers to the needy and black population remains the same since the last slavery decades in Brazil of the nineteenth century. Keywords: Violence, Literature, Military Police, Racial Prejudice, Poverty

2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Viviane de Oliveira Cubas ◽  
Frederico Castelo Branco ◽  
André Rodrigues de Oliveira ◽  
Fernanda Novaes Cruz

PurposeThe authors examine predictors of self-legitimacy for police officers belonging to the Military Police force of São Paulo (Brazil). Considering the variables mobilized by the literature on self-legitimacy, the authors seek to identify what explains the self-legitimacy of militarized police officers.Design/methodology/approachA survey was applied to 298 frontline police officers in the city of São Paulo, analyzing indicators separated into two groups: relationship dimension and organizational dimension. An ordinary least square model is used to test the “relationship” and “organizational” variables on police officers' self-legitimacy.FindingsEffectiveness is the strongest predictor for self-legitimacy. Organizational justice and distributive justice also present important effects, as the perception of citizens' attitudes toward police reinforces the conception of self-legitimacy as a dialogical construct, comprising here the public's expectations of police work as well as the police officers' perceptions that they are respected and considered important by the public.Originality/valueThere are no other studies on self-legitimacy related to Brazilian police officers or exploring these aspects among police officers submitted to a militarized structure. These results contribute to the ongoing debate on the militarization of police activities and their possible effects on police legitimacy.


Author(s):  
V. De Souza ◽  
O. Korand ◽  
A. C. Gonçalves Junior

<p>EO objetivo desta pesquisa é mostrar os riscos a que estão expostos os profissionais de segurança pública. Sendo realizadas análises do solo do estande de tiro, verificandoos índices de contaminação por chumbo para apresentar o panorama atual de como está este ambiente utilizado pelos policiais militares. .Este trabalho apresenta os resultados do monitoramento temporal do solo do estande de tiro da Polícia Militar localizado no município de Cascavel, Paraná, através de levantamento de amostras em duas campanhas realizadas nos anos de 2013 e 2015. Que consistiu na comparação dos resultados, executados nos mesmos locais. Obtendo-se assim os teores de chumbo tendo em vista a deposição de projéteis de arma de fogo no solo do estande. Foi possível avaliar o grau de contaminação existente e comparar com a determinação legal da Resolução 420 do CONAMA que estabelece os níveis aceitáveis ou não de chumbo no solo. Os índices de teores de chumbo apresentados demonstram que os profissionais de segurança pública, em particular os policiais militares, podem estar expostos à contaminação e assim devem ser tomadas medidas de remediação conforme a prevê a legislação vigente. </p><p align="center"><strong><em>Lead exposure in the professional public safety region Cascavel-PR </em></strong></p><pre><strong>Abstract:</strong> The objective of this research is to show the risks they are public safety workers exposed. Being from the shooting range soil analyzes, verifying the lead contamination indexes to present the current situation of how this environment is used by police. This paper presents the results of temporal monitoring of soil Military Police firing range located in Cascavel, Paraná, through a survey samples in two campaigns conducted in the years 2013 and 2015. That was the comparison of results, performed in same places. Thus yielding the lead content in view of the deposition of firearm projectiles in the soil of the stand. It was possible to evaluate the degree of contamination and compare with the legal requirements of Resolution 420 of CONAMA establishing acceptable levels or absence of lead in soil. The lead content ratios presented show that the public safety professionals, particularly the military police, may be exposed to contamination and thus should be taken remedial measures as the current legislation provides.</pre><p> </p><div> </div>


Author(s):  
VALENTIN AREH

The role of mass media in Western democracies is crucial for public opinion, which is used in the elections to support or reject military actions proposed by the govern- ment. Because of the public and political nature of military operations, it has become essential for military commanders to make effective operational use of the mass media in order to achieve their objectives. The operational commander and his staff must have a sufficient focused guidance to permit them to integrate media manage- ment into operational plans. Author as a war correspondent presents his experiences from different wars, mistakes and best practices from different armies. According to his personal experience, the most elaborate and developed public relations concept is the U.S. “Embedded Media Program” which proved successful from the perspective of the military as well as the media. Vloga množičnih medijev v zahodnih demokracijah je ključnega pomena za obliko- vanje javnega mnenja, ki se uporablja na volitvah za podporo ali zavrnitev vojaških ukrepov, ki jih predlaga vlada. Zaradi javne in politične narave vojaških operacij je postalo nujno, da vojaški poveljniki množične medije učinkovito vključijo v opera- tivno delovanje in tako dosežejo svoje cilje. Operativni poveljnik in njegovo osebje morajo imeti dovolj natančne smernice za vključitev upravljanja medijev v opera- tivne načrte. Avtor kot vojni dopisnik predstavlja svoje izkušnje iz različnih vojn ter napake in primere dobre prakse iz različnih vojsk. Glede na njegove osebne izkušnje je najbolje razvit in izpiljen koncept odnosov z javnostmi program gostujočih medijev iz ZDA, ki se je izkazal kot uspešen tako z vidika vojske kot medijev.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 79
Author(s):  
Marta Pulido

En el siglo IV a. C. comienza el declive de la supremacía ateniense en Grecia derivado de las continuas luchas internas, el auge del imperio persa y la amenaza militar de una Macedonia fuerte conducida por Filipo II. En este contexto Demóstenes desarrollará, a través de sus Filípicas y sus Olínticas, la que puede ser considerada una de las primeras campaña de comunicación y relaciones públicas institucionales de la antigüedad, sustentada en la persuasión de la oratoria, para concienciar a la opinión pública a cerca de los peligros que el régimen autocrático macedonio representaba para los principios democráticos atenienses. A través de una revisión teórica fundamentada en el uso de fuentes secundarias, sobre todo bibliográficas, los resultados de este trabajo demuestran que la campaña desarrollada por Demóstenes contra Filipo II de Macedonia puede ser considerada como una de las primeras campañas estratégicas de relaciones públicas que, con una finalidad persuasiva, se sustentó en el uso intencional de la oratoria.________________________________In the 4th century B.C. it begins the decline of the Athenian supremacy in Greece derived from the continuous internal fights, the summit of the Persian empire and the military threat of a strong Macedonia led by Filipo II. In this context Demostenes will develop, through its Philippics and Olynthiacs, one of the first public relations campaigns of the antiquity, sustained in the persuasion of the oratory, to report to the public opinion about the danger that the autocratic Macedonian regime was representing by the democracy of Athens. Across a theoretical review based on the use of secondary sources, especially bibliographical, the results of this work demonstrate that the campaign developed by Demóstenes against Filipo II of Macedonia can be considered to be one of the first strategic campaigns of public relations that, with a persuasive purpose, were sustained in the intentional use of the oratory.


2012 ◽  
Vol 165 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-47
Author(s):  
Irena WOLSKA-ZOGATA

The article is of demonstrative nature. It contains the data that come from the examinations of other authors. It is aimed at showing in what way politicians and military personnel can influence the winning of the hearts and minds of the public opinion for their own purposes with legally available assets.In spite of exploiting the press from time immemorial for waging wars, the Vietnam war prompted politicians and the military to develop a cooperation strategy with the media.The second Gulf War was fought in accordance with the principles worked out by the US military from the style of information management during the first Gulf War in 1991. In the process of information management, the majority of specialists were from the field of political public relations rather than civilian spin doctors.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110153
Author(s):  
Anne-Marie Veillette

The action of the women of Rio de Janeiro’s favelas to avoid, prevent, counter, and denounce police violence, both infrapolitically and in the public transcript, are associated with the rise of a political consciousness that is gendered and racialized in the context of the genocide of Brazil’s black population. Their resistance, rooted in “Amefricanidade” and the lingering coloniality of gender, is best described as characterized by an intersectional consciousness of injustice. A ação das mulheres das favelas do Rio de Janeiro para impedir, prevenir, combater e denunciar a violência policial, tanto na infrapolítica quanto na esfera pública, está relacionada ao surgimento de uma consciência política de gênero e também a racialização em um contexto de genocídio da população negra no Brasil. Sua resistência, arraigada na “Amefricanidade” e na persistente colonialidade de gênero, é mais bem descrita e categorizada como consciência interseccional de injustiça.


Revista LEVS ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (19) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vicente Nicola NOVELLINO

Resumo: Este artigo foi elaborado com foco no papel das polícias militares nas manifestações públicas no cumprimento de suas atribuições constitucionais de preservação da ordem pública. O tema é iniciado com aspectos referentes aos conceitos de manifestação pública, ressaltando esse importante instrumento que representa a voz de uma sociedade e a essência dos regimes democráticos consolidados. Destaca-se o fundamento desse direito decorrente da Constituição Federal de 1988 que assegurou a todos a liberdade de reunião para fins pacíficos e sem armas, cujo exercício não é absoluto pois encontra limitações em situações previstas pela Lei Maior, como excepcionais. Sobre as polícias militares em primeiro lugar é importante mencionar suas competências, conforme previsão constitucional em capítulo específico destinado à segurança pública, para depois entender o alcance doutrinário do conceito de ordem pública e sua preservação como fundamento que legitima a atuação dessas Instituições no âmbito de seus estados. A partir desse entendimento, não só dos dispositivos constitucionais, mas também por outras previsões em legislação específica, perfeitamente recepcionada pela atual Constituição, é possível o inferir o papel das polícias militares e sua atuação nas manifestações públicas com uma função precípua de garante, assegurando a todos, participantes ou não, a segurança para que possam exercer seu direito livremente. Como conclusão deve ser reconhecida a importância das liberdades públicas, e concomitantemente garantir a segurança de todos os cidadãos no exercício pacífico e legítimo de seus direitos. Palavras chave: Manifestação Pública; Liberdade de Reunião; Polícia Militar; Ordem Pública; Segurança Pública. Abstract: This article was elaborated with focus on the role of the military police in the public manifestations in the fulfillment of its constitutional attributions of preservation of the public order. The theme begins with aspects related to the concepts of public manifestation, highlighting this important instrument that represents the voice of a society and the essence of consolidated democratic regimes. It should be stressed that this right derives from the 1988 Federal Constitution, which guaranteed freedom of assembly for peaceful and unarmed purposes, which is not absolute because it finds limitations in situations provided for by the Grand Law as exceptional. Regarding the military police, it is important to mention their competences, according to the constitutional provision in a specific chapter intended for public security, and then to understand the doctrinal scope of the concept of public order and its preservation as a foundation that legitimates the performance of these institutions within their States. From this understanding, not only from constitutional provisions, but also from other provisions in specific legislation, perfectly approved by the current Constitution, it is possible to infer the role of military police and their role in public demonstrations with a primary function of guarantor, All, participants or not, security so that they can exercise their right freely. In conclusion, the importance of public freedoms should be recognized, while at the same time guaranteeing the security of all citizens in the peaceful and legitimate exercise of their rights. Keywords: Public Manifestation; Freedom of Meeting; Military Police; Public Order; Public Security.   


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 156
Author(s):  
Jasper Fessmann

Strategic communication disciplines routinely use terms such as strategy, tactics, and objectives that originated in strategic military science. I argue here that a better understanding of classical military strategic thinking is relevant to public interest communications (PIC). Case studies of unscrupulous public relations (PR) campaigns on behalf of vested interests that apply deception, misdirection, and fake news in a war fighting mentality are examined. I argue that such practices need to be understood in the military sense to be detected early and effectively countered in legitimate and honorable ways by organizations fighting for the public interest. The article proposes that a key function of a PIC professional in an organization is to become a PIC Communications Strategos—strategic communications war leader. 


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-188
Author(s):  
A. Avetisyan

Benevolent relations between each government institution, company or organization and its publicity are provided by Public Relations specialists. They try to provide public with information, based on the real facts, which lead to the establishment and maintenance ofthe benevolent relations and mutual understanding. Taking into consideration the fact, companies and organizations generate relevant departments, responsible for communication with Mass media and the public. These departments take responsibility for making the organization presentative, for publicity and transparent work. The aim of the research is to identify the opportunities, weaknesses and achievements of Public relations in Armenian Banking System and State Administration.


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