scholarly journals Middle Class in the West and Central in Russia

2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 18-23
Author(s):  
V. A. Rusanov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
The West

Temporality in Mobile Lives

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shanthi Robertson
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Everyday Life ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Intimate Relationships ◽  
Lived Experiences ◽  
Career Pathways ◽  
Work Study ◽  
The West ◽  
Transnational Mobility

This book provides fresh perspectives on 21st-century migratory experiences in this innovative study of young Asian migrants' lives in Australia. Exploring the aspirations and realities of transnational mobility, the book shows how migration has reshaped lived experiences of time for middle-class young people moving between Asia and the West for work, study and lifestyle opportunities. Through a new conceptual framework of 'chronomobilities', which looks at 'time-regimes' and 'time-logics', the book demonstrates how migratory pathways have become far more complex than leaving one country for another, and can profoundly affect the temporalities of everyday life, from career pathways to intimate relationships. Drawing on extensive ethnographic material, the book deepens our understanding of the multifaceted relationship between migration and time.

From Slum to Ghetto: Social Deprivation

2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Clarke
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Social Deprivation ◽  
Black Population ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Poor Quality ◽  
Royal Commission ◽  
The West ◽  
Predominantly Black ◽  
Black Area ◽  
Almost All

There were signs of the formation of a massive zone of social deprivation in Kingston—notably in West Kingston, dating from the West India Royal Commission Report (1945) and the Denham Town redevelopment project of the late 1930s (Central Housing Advisory Board, 1936; Stolberg 1990), via the Report on the Rastafari movement in the early 1960s (Smith, Augier, and Nettleford, 1960) and an early paper by Clarke (1966), to the research of Clarke (1975a, b) and Eyre (1986a, b) in the 1970s and 1980s. Kingston’s late-colonial slums were redesignated the ghetto after 1970 (Eyre 1986a, b). More precisely, the ghetto had its origins in the recognized slum areas of West Kingston of 1935 (Clarke, 1975a: fig. 25), in the areas in poor condition in 1947 (Fig. 1.9), the areas of poor housing in 1960 (Fig. 1.10), and the overcrowded areas of 1960 (Clarke 1975a: fig. 48). Clearly, the slum/ghetto is associated with deprivation, and with high population density in relation to low social class and poor quality (usually rented) accommodation. What is peculiar about the present-day Kingston ghetto is that it is a predominantly black area (more than 92 per cent), in a city where the black population is 88 per cent of the total (Ch. 4). So, while the ghetto conforms to Ward’s definition (1982) in that it is racially homogeneous (almost all the remainder of its population is mulatto), it is defined as much by the deprivation of its occupants—and their high-density dwelling—as by its exclusive racial characteristics. Moreover, it has not expanded by flight from white residential heartlands on its periphery, as in the case of Morrill’s (1965) US ghetto model. Indeed the middle-class mulatto districts on its northern periphery in Kingston have retained their class status (while becoming noticeably darker) over the last thirty years, and the ghetto has spread into areas that were either vacant (in the west) or have become decayed (in the east) (Knight and Davies 1978). Whereas in 1970, the slum/ ghetto was largely West Kingston, it now extends to East Kingston as well, and the major spatial distinction is between uptown (which is largely upper or middle class) and downtown (which is lower class and houses the core of the ghetto). The precise point of division is often given as the clock at Half Way Tree, hence the terms living above or below the clock (Robotham 2003b).

Saints and Sinners

2020 ◽  
pp. 66-84
Author(s):  
Stephen Farrall ◽  
Susanne Karstedt
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Quantitative Data ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Violent Offenders ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Market Place ◽  
The West ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative ◽  
Offending Trajectories ◽  
Detailed Picture

This chapter draws upon qualitative and quantitative data to assess the extent of both victimization and offending in the market place. It examines what consumers did when they found they had been cheated, and discusses the extent to which there is an overlap between being a victim and offender. The chapter paints a detailed picture of victimization, offending, and the degree to which these are related. Findings show that some types of victimization are very common in all three regions, like e.g. unnecessary repairs, while considerable differences exist between them in terms of being offered too little by one’s insurer (most common in West Germany), or being sold faulty second-hand goods (most common in England and Wales). Differences in offending are by far more distinct, with the West Germans outdoing their East Germans and English and Welsh counterparts. For both victimization and offending trajectories of mostly ‘slow-burning change’ were detected for all three regions. Middle-class consumers do not differ from disadvantaged social groups with regard to the relation between victimization and offending: the findings suggest as strong a relationship between victimization and offending, similar to what is usually found for violent offenders and their victimization in marginalized neighbourhoods.

Social Welfare Policy and an Income Subsidy Scheme

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yue Chim Richard Wong
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Income Inequality ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Poverty Alleviation ◽  
Welfare Policy ◽  
Income Redistribution ◽  
Social Welfare Policy ◽  
The West ◽  
Subsidy Scheme

When nearly a quarter of GDP is redistributed through a rag bag of measures, one should expect poverty to have been considerably alleviated in these societies, if not totally eliminated. But this has not been the case. Income inequality in the West has not improved and, in fact, has worsened in recent decades. Sociologists, economists, and political scientists agree that an underclass exists in Western societies. For decades, this was believed to affect mostly “minorities,” but recent evidence shows that many in the mainstream middle class are descending into the underclass. The ability of income redistribution in alleviating poverty has its limits. Poverty alleviation has to be tackled through another front – economic growth.

The Catholic London District in the Eighteenth Century

2006 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-268
Author(s):  
David Butler
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
The South ◽  
The West ◽  
Social Segregation ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The City ◽  
Drury Lane

The London of Challoner consisted only of some seven square miles, one square mile of which was, of course, the City of London. It can all be put onto some eight pages of the present A–Z map of London, which at the time of writing consists of 141 pages. John Rocques's map of London, on a scale of 200 feet to the inch, which he began in 1738 and finished in 1747, in its London Topographical Society format of 1982, perfectly illustrates the London of both Challoner and Defoe. The western extremities were at Marylebone, Knightsbridge and Chelsea, the eastern at Stepney, Limehouse and Deptford, the northern at Tottenham Court and Bethnal Green, while the southern limits were at Kennington and Walworth Common. The population of London was assessed by Wrigley in 1990 as c. 575,000 in 1700, as c. 675,000 in 1750 and as c. 959,000 in 1801. The 1767 papist returns indicated that most London Catholics lived in the parishes of St James and St Giles, within Westminster. Schwarz has pointed out the considerable social segregation in London, middle-class areas being in the west and central parts, with the poorer areas in the south and east. The St Giles area around Seven Dials going east to Bow Street and Drury Lane is reputed to have contained a third of the capital's beggars and to have been a notoriously criminal quarter. The Catholic numbers in Westminster were 7,724, the City numbers 1,492, with the Middlesex out-parishes having more than 2,000. The 1767 total for London, including the parishes to the south and east, comes to 12,320, clearly too low, as is the accumulated total for the London District of around 15,800. This gives about 3,500 for the London District outside the capital while Challoner's own figures give us a Catholic population of 5,261. If the errors in enumeration were the same in both areas (a large assumption), this enables us to guess that the 1767 figures could be corrected to about 18,500 London Catholics and about 24,000 for the whole District.

Constructions of Nation and the Classicisation of Music: Comparative Perspectives from Southeast and South Asia

2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 187-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Moro
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
South Asia ◽  
National Culture ◽  
Music Theory ◽  
Mass Education ◽  
The West

This article compares how elite music was classicised or canonised as part of the process of constructing national culture in India, Indonesia and Thailand. Issues examined include the role of the middle class; homogeneity and heterogeneity in national culture; the rise of mass education and innovative forms of musical transmission; the institutionalisation of music theory and music scholarship; dynamic influences from the West; and transformations in the roles of musician, patron and audience.

Is Democracy Possible in Russia?

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Andrei Val’terovich Grinëv
Keyword(s):  
Middle Class ◽  
Political System ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The West ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Democratic Development ◽  
The Past

Abstract This article discusses the question of why a Western-style democracy has not been formed in Russia. The prerequisite for the formation of a democracy as a political regime is the domination of small and medium-sized private property and a middle class. Since the middle class has been small in Russia throughout most of its history for a number of objective reasons, the country has hardly known full-fledged democracy, and the current political system only imitates it. Russia’s attempts to enter the trajectory of democratic development—both in the early twentieth century, and since the early 1990s–have failed, and the trend of abandoning the basic principles of democracy has prevailed over the past two decades. The blame for this lies not only on the current Russian leadership but to no lesser extent on the political leadership of the West, which for the sake of short-term self-serving interests or political ambitions has contributed much to the formation of the current Russian regime.

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