Failing Democracy

2020 ◽  
pp. 50-78
Author(s):  
Gerald J. Postema

This chapter explores a set of modalities of democratic failure in response to Aziz Huq’s analysis of failure. Not all of the disappointments produced by democratic decision-making should be construed as failures, and we should distinguish between “intransitive” and “transitive” failing, i.e., between “failed democracy” and a community’s “failing democracy.” Although democratic institutions and constitutional practices may be deformed, democratic failure may also derive from participants’ unwillingness to hold other agents accountable for defying democratic norms and values.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-123
Author(s):  
Ahmad Daniel Kusumah Anshary

This study tries to explain the reasons why Peru and Ecuador went to war with each other in 1995, even though both are democracies. The research was conducted concerning Immanuel Kant's Democratic Peace Theory by examining norms and institutions as essential factors in developing his theory. This study uses qualitative research with literature review and interview methods. The study will focus on the conditions of norms and institutions in Peru and Ecuador in 1995, the year the two countries decided to go to war with each other. Based on the research results, it is known that democratic norms and institutions owned by Ecuador and Peru have not been able to create peace as has been assumed by Immanuel Kant in the Democratic Peace Theory. Although Ecuador has democratic institutions that can reduce the authority of its leaders in decision-making, the domestic democratic norms established in the 1830 Constitutional Law cannot make the Ecuadorian people's support refer to peace in overcoming the Cenepa border conflict. On the contrary, in Peru, democratic norms that prefer to negotiate and make peace are not followed by the effectiveness of the role of democratic institutions that cannot limit President Fujimori's authority, who chooses to carry out attacks in border areas which then triggers a war.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-364
Author(s):  
Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  
Abdul Basit Khan ◽  
Mussawar Hussain Bukhari

In the democratic form of government, political parties play a determinative and creative role. Striving for public offices is their fundamental objective which distinguishes them from other social organizations; hence, parties utilize all channels to secure maximum parliamentary slots. In a representative and inclusive democracy, political parties perform a set of different jobs ranging from nomination of electoral candidates, managing their campaigns, transforming public sentiments and demands into public policy, citizens’ integration as well as fabricating government and civil society. Giving much importance to the political parties for the development of representative democracy, concerns have been raised about the ways in which they discharge their functions. If democracy deems not to flourish without political parties, then it is also important to assess how political parties are internally democratic in their determination and decision-making, influence and significance, proceeding and practices and distribution and dissemination of authority.  In developing states, majority of political parties are operating as family-enterprises lacking true internal democratic culture. Self- centric, dynastic and interrupted politics have plagued the democratic norms and values. By focusing upon the ways and means which the parties adopt to elect their office-bearers as well as the mechanism which they prefer to nominate electoral candidates, the instant study will investigate whether or not the mainstream political parties in Pakistan, India and Bangladesh are democratic in their functioning?


2021 ◽  
pp. 144078332110011
Author(s):  
Scott J Fitzpatrick

Suicide prevention occurs within a web of social, moral, and political relations that are acknowledged, yet rarely made explicit. In this work, I analyse these interrelations using concepts of moral and political economy to demonstrate how moral norms and values interconnect with political and economic systems to inform the way suicide prevention is structured, legitimated, and enacted. Suicide prevention is replete with ideologies of individualism, risk, and economic rationalism that translate into a specific set of social practices. These bring a number of ethical, procedural, and distributive considerations to the fore. Closer attention to these issues is needed to reflect the moral and political contexts in which decision-making about suicide prevention occurs, and the implications of these decisions for policy, practice, and for those whose lives they impact.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Placing the developments previously discussed in a wider context, Chapter 12 explores the individualization of politics and the juridification of labor law, as well as the contingent and unstable link that new representative organizations have with political decision-making forums. The chapter reviews research into the transformation of politics, including the turn away from political (democratic) institutions in general and towards a reliance on “expert” institutions, and suggests that these connected processes – the NGO-ization of worker representation and the disintegration of the party-union link – reflect the breakdown of a core premise of neocorporatism: that being a worker was congruent with being a citizen. The union could once count on the labor party to fight its corner in the political sphere because the union’s members were also members of the political community, but now the political community is no longer congruent with the “worker community” – the labor force.


Author(s):  
Zafer Adiguzel

Business ethics is a scientific discipline that analyzes and explains norms and values that guide the business world. When the books and academic researches about business ethics are examined, it is understood that interest in business ethics has started to increase. Among the most important reasons for business interest, ethics is the impact of economic development and globalization. The story of the economy and the adaptation to the global market with each passing day has brought unethical practices to the agenda. It is considered that models that improve the decision-making mechanisms of managers against corrupt practices are deemed necessary. In the study, many studies have been cited as references to explain business ethics' individual and organizational factors. It aims to contribute to the literature with the results and results of the academic research conducted on these models.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (Suppl 1) ◽  
pp. e000844 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eva A Rehfuess ◽  
Jan M Stratil ◽  
Inger B Scheel ◽  
Anayda Portela ◽  
Susan L Norris ◽  
...  

IntroductionEvidence-to-decision (EtD) frameworks intend to ensure that all criteria of relevance to a health decision are systematically considered. This paper, part of a series commissioned by the WHO, reports on the development of an EtD framework that is rooted in WHO norms and values, reflective of the changing global health landscape, and suitable for a range of interventions and complexity features. We also sought to assess the value of this framework to decision-makers at global and national levels, and to facilitate uptake through suggestions on how to prioritise criteria and methods to collect evidence.MethodsIn an iterative, principles-based approach, we developed the framework structure from WHO norms and values. Preliminary criteria were derived from key documents and supplemented with comprehensive subcriteria obtained through an overview of systematic reviews of criteria employed in health decision-making. We assessed to what extent the framework can accommodate features of complexity, and conducted key informant interviews among WHO guideline developers. Suggestions on methods were drawn from the literature and expert consultation.ResultsThe new WHO-INTEGRATE (INTEGRATe Evidence) framework comprises six substantive criteria—balance of health benefits and harms, human rights and sociocultural acceptability, health equity, equality and non-discrimination, societal implications, financial and economic considerations, and feasibility and health system considerations—and the meta-criterion quality of evidence. It is intended to facilitate a structured process of reflection and discussion in a problem-specific and context-specific manner from the start of a guideline development or other health decision-making process. For each criterion, the framework offers a definition, subcriteria and example questions; it also suggests relevant primary research and evidence synthesis methods and approaches to assessing quality of evidence.ConclusionThe framework is deliberately labelled version 1.0. We expect further modifications based on focus group discussions in four countries, example applications and input across concerned disciplines.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 205316802095985
Author(s):  
Bethany Albertson ◽  
Kimberly Guiler

Under what conditions does conspiratorial rhetoric about election rigging change attitudes? We investigated this question using a survey experiment the day before and the morning of the 2016 US presidential election. We hypothesized that exposure to conspiratorial rhetoric about election interference would significantly heighten negative emotions (anxiety, anger) and undermine support for democratic institutions. Specifically, we expected that Democrats who read conspiratorial information about interference by the Russians in US elections, and that Republicans who read conspiratorial information about interference by the Democratic Party in US elections would express less support for key democratic norms. Our evidence largely supported our hypotheses. Americans exposed to a story claiming the election would be tampered with expressed less confidence in democratic institutions, and these effects were moderated by prior partisan beliefs about the actors most likely responsible for election meddling.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (5) ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Alberto Vergara ◽  
Aaron Watanabe

Peru’s posttransition democracy presents a paradox: presidents have remained unpopular despite presiding over a period in which democratic institutions strengthened and the economy grew rapidly. O’Donnell’s work on delegative democracy suggests that the Peruvian paradox results from weak vertical accountability. Since Peru’s return to democracy, parties and civil society have been too weak to hold elected leaders accountable. Furthermore, presidents have faced opposition to reform from entrenched neoliberal technocrats. With no one holding them accountable and little capacity to govern, presidents have chosen to delegate decision-making authority to technocrats. Even when leaders have won office on reformist platforms, continuity has prevailed, and citizens have lost trust in their elected leaders. The origins of the Peruvian paradox and weak vertical accountability can be traced to the destruction of the institutional and organizational foundations of democracy in the 1990s under Alberto Fujimori’s authoritarian regime. La democracia pos-transición en Perú presenta una paradoja: los presidentes siguen siendo impopulares a pesar de presidir un período en el que las instituciones democráticas se fortalecieron y la economía creció rápidamente. El trabajo de O’Donnell sobre la demo-cracia delegativa sugiere que la paradoja peruana resulta de una débil rendición de cuentas vertical. Desde el retorno de Perú a la democracia, los partidos y la sociedad civil han sido demasiado débiles para responsabilizar a los líderes electos. Además, los presidentes han enfrentado la oposición a la reforma de tecnócratas neoliberales atrincherados. Sin que nadie los responsabilice y con poca capacidad para gobernar, los presidentes han optado por delegar la autoridad en la toma de decisiones a los tecnócratas. Incluso cuando los líderes han sido eligidos en plataformas reformistas, la continuidad ha prevalecido y los ciudadanos han perdido la confianza en sus líderes electos. Los orígenes de la paradoja peruana y la débil rendición de cuentas vertical se remonta a la destrucción de los cimientos institucionales y organizativos de la democracia en la década de 1990 bajo el régimen autoritario de Alberto Fujimori.


1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Higginbotham ◽  
Juriko Tanaka-Matsumi

The potential application of behaviour therapy to cross-cultural situations is explored as societies move to recognise their bicultural or multicultural composition. First reviewed are the moral and epistemological underpinnings of behaviour therapy and questions involving the universality of behaviour principles and technologies. Expected competencies of cross-cultural therapists are next raised. The basic message, told through examples from Australia, North American, and elsewhere, is that cultural norms and values penetrate every facet of client–therapist interaction and clinical decision-making. Competently performed functional analyses can produce culturally accommodating interventions that respond to culture-specific definitions of deviancy, accepted norms of role behaviour, expectations of change techniques, and approved behaviour change practitioners.


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