Racialized Media

This book examines the design (imagining and producing), delivery (distribution, gatekeeping, and cultural mediation), and decoding (reception, consumption, and debate) of varied genres and styles of contemporary racialized media. In line with what the late great media sociologist Stuart Hall called the “circuit of culture,” the authors herein collectively analyze, first, the production side of imagining and encoding ideological meanings and narratives, the material structures, the people involved, and global political economy of media; second, the arena of distribution in which marketing strategies, gatekeeping traditions, laws and policies, and professional customs structure where and how media is framed; and third, the practices of consumption whereby audience receive, interpret, and debate racialized media. Despite pronouncements that we have reached a “postracial” or “colorblind” society or that racial—and racist—meanings are only the domains of extremist activism and political rhetoric, we demonstrate how dominant racial meanings are deployed, negotiated, and contested in the behind-the-scenes productive activity with, distributive processes regarding, and consumer reactions to racialized media. The chapters highlight the multidirectional influences between media, the racialized climate of politics and culture, reverberations of media meanings in society, and experiences of media consumption along the lines of race, class, and gender positionalities. To analyze these complex relationships, contributing authors utilize various forms of media, including film, television, books, newspapers, social media, video games, and comics, among others.

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-11
Author(s):  
Emma Gonzalez-Lesser ◽  
Rhys Hall ◽  
Matthew W. Hughey

The recent 2016 presidential campaign season and subsequent presidency has created a context in which the general public is looking deeper into the “behind the scenes” influences on the media. Of particular interest has been “fake news” and the biases of various news media outlets. These “behind the scenes” actions occur at production (the encoded ideological meanings and narratives, the material structures, the people involved, and global political economy of media), distribution (marketing strategies, gatekeeping practices, laws and policies, and media-industry customs), and consumption (reception and interpretation by media audiences). In this introduction to our special issue, we outline the relevance of examining these extra-representational processes of racialized media, particularly in today’s climate.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Amélie Le Renard ◽  
Neha Vora ◽  
Ahmed Kanna

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the exoticizing and exceptionalist discourses about the Arabian Peninsula. This exceptionalism came to the fore in media and academic coverage of the “crisis” in the Gulf region. In general, the Gulf crisis was framed as a “diplomatic spat,” a spectacle marked by tropes of exceptionalism and Orientalism that diminished the importance of the Gulf region, its rulers, and, especially, the people who live there. These exceptionalist representations of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Qatar evacuate society of the social while rendering “culture” as fixed in timeless ideas of bedouins, Islam, indentured labor, and gender repression. This kind of history, politics, and culture writing erases the long and complex histories of class, anticolonial, and nationalist struggles that have marked the region as much as any other postcolonial context, and removes the agency and complex role of both citizens and noncitizens in forming the fabric of Gulf societies. This book then studies Gulf exceptionalism, assessing what it means to conduct ethnography in supposedly exceptional spaces.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucila Rozas ◽  
Peter Busse ◽  
Joaquin Barnoya ◽  
Alejandra Garrón

Abstract Objectives Data on gender representation in food and beverage advertisements may allow for a better understanding of how the food industry is targeting different audiences based on gender. Nonetheless, scant research on food and beverage print advertising with a gender approach has been conducted. Therefore, we sought to assess the prevalence of gender focus in print advertisements found inside corner stores in two cities: Guatemala City, Guatemala, and Lima, Peru. Data description We developed two complementary datasets as part of the study: (1) a dataset of digital photographs of 200 food and beverage print advertisements found in corner stores located near schools (100 ads per country selected according to criteria such as product type, image quality, and uniqueness); (2) a quantitative dataset with data of the content analysis of these photographs. We employed 19 variables to record the general information and gender assessment of the ads. These datasets should allow scholars and public officials to identify gender-specific marketing strategies of the food industry that might impact children’s and adolescents’ nutrition differently.


2011 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
EMILY CALLACI

ABSTRACTThis article explores the relationship between understandings of youth sexuality and mobility, and racial nationalism in late colonial Tanganyika through a history of dansi: a dance mode first popularized by Tanganyikan youth in the 1930s. Dansi's heterosocial choreography and cosmopolitan connotations provoked widespread anxieties among rural elders and urban elites over the mobility, economic autonomy, and sexual agency of youth. In urban commercial dancehalls in the 1950s, dansi staged emerging cultural solidarities among migrant youth, while also making visible social divisions based on class and gender. At the same time, nationalist intellectuals attempted to reform dansi according to an emerging political rhetoric of racial respectability.


2003 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne P. Crick

Tourism is the mainstay of the Caribbean and the attitude of the people in the region may have a significant impact on the success of the industry. This paper analyzes the way in which tourism authorities of three Caribbean destinations have internally marketed tourism to their host populations in order to encourage the desired attitudinal expressions. A matrix of five possible responses to tourism was developed and each of the three countries was found to occupy different positions in the matrix. An analysis of the internal marketing strategies determined that the countries adopted different approaches based on their particular challenges but none of the approaches had achieved lasting success. The study concludes with recommendations for future research.


Author(s):  
Anil Gopi

Food and feast are integral and key components of human cultures across the world. Feasts associated with religious rituals have special social and cultural significance when compared to those in any other festivities or celebrations in people’s life. In this study, an approach is made to comparatively analyze the feasts at religious festivals of two distinctive groups of people, one with a characteristic of simple society and the other of a complex society. The annual feast happening at the hamlets of the Anchunadu Vellalar community in the last days of the calendar year is an occasion that portrays the egalitarian nature of the people. While this feast is restricted within a single community of particular caste affiliation and geographical limitations, the feast associated with the kaliyattam ritual of village goddess in North Malabar is much wider in scope and participation. The enormous feast brings the people in a larger area and exhibits a solidarity that cuts across boundaries of religion, caste and community. Beyond the factors of social solidarity and togetherness, these events also illustrate its divisive characters mainly in terms of social hierarchy and gender. A comparative study of both the two feasts of two different contexts reveals the characteristic features of religious feasts and the value of food and feast in social life and solidarity and also how it acts as a survival of their past and as a tradition.


Author(s):  
Hélène Landemore

To the ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in public and debating laws set by a randomly selected assembly of several hundred citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings, democracy meant meeting every summer in a field to discuss issues until consensus was reached. Our contemporary representative democracies are very different. Modern parliaments are gated and guarded, and it seems as if only certain people — with the right suit, accent, wealth, and connections — are welcome. Diagnosing what is wrong with representative government and aiming to recover some of the lost openness of ancient democracies, this book presents a new paradigm of democracy in which power is genuinely accessible to ordinary citizens. This book favors the ideal of “representing and being represented in turn” over direct-democracy approaches. Supporting a fresh nonelectoral understanding of democratic representation, the book recommends centering political institutions around the “open mini-public” — a large, jury-like body of randomly selected citizens gathered to define laws and policies for the polity, in connection with the larger public. It also defends five institutional principles as the foundations of an open democracy: participatory rights, deliberation, the majoritarian principle, democratic representation, and transparency. The book demonstrates that placing ordinary citizens, rather than elites, at the heart of democratic power is not only the true meaning of a government of, by, and for the people, but also feasible and, today more than ever, urgently needed.


Soundings ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 79 (79) ◽  
pp. 51-77
Author(s):  
Gregor McLennan ◽  
Bruce Robbins ◽  
Angela McRobbie ◽  
Brett St Louis ◽  
Catherine Hall

The authors discuss Stuart Hall's lifelong critical engagement with Marxism - though his was a complex, subtle, agonistic, Marxism, where nothing is taken for granted. This engagement continued even as postcoloniality, ethnicity, race and identity steadily came to the centre of Hall's attention, constituting ways of thinking that in some ways represented a departure. Hall can be seen as a mediator, both within Marxism - for example structuralism versus culturalism - and between Marxism and other discourses, finding areas in common as well as difference, respecting aspects of a position without endorsing whole positions; and in so doing transforming the problem under consideration. He is also discussed as an organic intellectual, who - though with no assumption of a shared class or shared party - sought to create a collective self-consciousness, a coalition, that could offer an effective challenge to the state. The concept of conjuncture is an important part of these ideas. These aspects of Hall's work are discussed further in relation to racialisation and racism, where Hall is seen as committed to both analytic and practical observation, and to humanism as well as Marxism: the people at the centre of the analysis are agents not categories. Hall was not aiming to bring things to a rounded, validity-seeking coherence, but to always leave some strands open: his thinking is constitutively open. At the same time his underlying, very simple, message is that, in some way or another, the many issues we face are all connected, and we should never give up the integrative pluralism of political thinking. The great danger is fragmented pluralism, where the politics of difference, wherever the differences are, leads to political de-alignment rather than coalitional unity.


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