Open Democracy

Author(s):  
Hélène Landemore

To the ancient Greeks, democracy meant gathering in public and debating laws set by a randomly selected assembly of several hundred citizens. To the Icelandic Vikings, democracy meant meeting every summer in a field to discuss issues until consensus was reached. Our contemporary representative democracies are very different. Modern parliaments are gated and guarded, and it seems as if only certain people — with the right suit, accent, wealth, and connections — are welcome. Diagnosing what is wrong with representative government and aiming to recover some of the lost openness of ancient democracies, this book presents a new paradigm of democracy in which power is genuinely accessible to ordinary citizens. This book favors the ideal of “representing and being represented in turn” over direct-democracy approaches. Supporting a fresh nonelectoral understanding of democratic representation, the book recommends centering political institutions around the “open mini-public” — a large, jury-like body of randomly selected citizens gathered to define laws and policies for the polity, in connection with the larger public. It also defends five institutional principles as the foundations of an open democracy: participatory rights, deliberation, the majoritarian principle, democratic representation, and transparency. The book demonstrates that placing ordinary citizens, rather than elites, at the heart of democratic power is not only the true meaning of a government of, by, and for the people, but also feasible and, today more than ever, urgently needed.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-130
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rosyid ◽  
Muhammad Anwar Idris

 Arabic usually use the word al-usrahor al-‘ailahto refer to family. However, the Qur’an also employs some different words to describe family, namely ahl, ‘asyirah, rahtu,alu, qurbaand ruknu. This article aims to examine the word ahl. This is based on the fact that ahlis the most frequent word mentioned theQur’an to refer to the family. Using the semantic analysis proposed by ‘Aisya bint al-Syati’, this article shows that the original meaning of the word ahlis “entitled”and “appropriate”.Itscontextual meaning, however,might refer to the people of the book (ahl al-Kitab), residents (al-sakin), followers (qawm al-Nabī), people who are entitled or reserve the right(al-mustahaq), the core family (usrah), and clans or extended family (‘ailah). This article contributes to the ideal of building a family. By referring to the meaning of ahl,the family should be correctly and appropriately built so as to achieve happiness.


Author(s):  
V.V. Berch

The article is devoted to the consideration of the constitutional right to a trial by a jury, as well as the right to a speedy trial in accordance with the provisions of the Sixth Amendment to the US Constitution. It is noted that as of today in Ukraine there is a question of ensuring the actual (real) participation of the people in the administration of justice and the creation of an appropriate mechanism for the realization of such a right of the people. It is established that the permanent evolution of the jury trial in the world as a full-fledged element of participatory democracy allows us to assert the possibility of applying the best foreign experience in this area and for Ukraine. It is noted that the jury trial, which is typical for the United States, is undoubtedly a consequence of the borrowing of English legal customs, but has its own special features. It has been established that the right to a speedy trial should be distinguished from other constitutional rights, as it concerns the interests of society and the justice system more than the interests of the accused. The circumstances that suggest whether a trial is in fact "fast" are rather vague, as each such proceeding is to some extent unique. The requirements for members of the jury are set out in the Jury Selection Act. It is noted that the release of jurors varies depending on the state. One of the grounds for such dismissal is professional activity. For example, doctors, lawyers, public figures, police or firefighters. At the same time, this practice is gradually ceasing to be natural. It is concluded that the jury trial as a form of public participation in the administration of justice is undoubtedly a democratic legal institution. Direct democracy in the exercise of judicial power, which is carried out in compliance with the principles of publicity and adversarial proceedings promotes the establishment of citizens' faith in the fairness of judicial decisions.  


Daedalus ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 146 (3) ◽  
pp. 51-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hélène Landemore

Deliberative democracy is at risk of becoming collateral damage of the current crisis of representative democracy. If deliberative democracy is necessarily representative and if representation betrays the true meaning of democracy as rule of, by, and for the people, then how can deliberative democracy retain any validity as a theory of political legitimacy? Any tight connection between deliberative democracy and representative democracy thus risks making deliberative democracy obsolete: a dated paradigm fit for a precrisis order, but maladjusted to the world of Occupy, the Pirate Party, the Zapatistas, and other antirepresentative movements. This essay argues that the problem comes from a particular and historically situated understanding of representative democracy as rule by elected elites. I argue that in order to retain its normative appeal and political relevance, deliberative democracy should dissociate itself from representative democracy thus understood and reinvent itself as the core of a more truly democratic paradigm, which I call “open democracy.” In open democracy, popular rule means the mediated but real exercise of power by ordinary citizens. This new paradigm privileges nonelectoral forms of representation and in it, power is meant to remain constantly inclusive of and accessible–in other words open–to ordinary citizens.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 360
Author(s):  
Eliot Simangunsong

Social media is currently not only used to communicate with friends but as a platform for business. This trend has been increasing since the Covid-19 pandemic, where more and more people are using it to buy and sell. However, there are doubts in running a business through social media, i.e., the absence of the right business strategy, understanding of business competition, and the personal characteristics of the people it needs. Therefore, this study aims to determine the ideal personal characteristics needed in running a social media-based business. Using qualitative research methods, data analysis from 20 interviews identifies twelve characters, six of which are critical to someone who has good potential to do business on social media and who can make the most of it. The suitability of an entrepreneur’s character and the demands of doing business on social media will lead to positive attitudes that are key to business success.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Kalinichenko ◽  
◽  
Vadim Golovchak ◽  

The article states that a referendum is an election, a popular discussion and a poll, is the right of real sovereign and supreme will of the people, but in its content and form of implementation. Scientific approaches to the researched problem are analyzed. In the course of the study it is substantiated that the referendum will be an effective too for exercising the right of peoples sovereignty only if the state is dominated by a democratic society, method of legal regulation, realization tool, peoples sovereignty, democratic spirit, that is the subject and method of legal regulation of the referendum differs significantly from other forms of democracy.


2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 502-504
Author(s):  
Leonard Preyra

The Politics of Direct Democracy: Referendums in Global Perspective., Lawrence LeDuc., Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview. 2003, pp. 214.The 1980s marked a watershed in the evolution of liberal democracy. On the global front the principles of liberal democracy were successfully used as battering rams to demolish the walls erected by its powerful Cold War rival—socialism. Our side declared victory and the end of ideological conflict. And yet in its struggle with socialism liberal democracy planted the seeds for its own transformation—it was hoist with its own petard. A new consensus emerged. Our elections were also a sham, parties provided little or no meaningful choice, and legislators were unrepresentative, unresponsive and unaccountable. On major constitutional and moral issues there was gridlock. From the left came calls for “people power” and more inclusive and empowering institutions. From the right came calls for privatizing the State and reducing the autonomy of elected officials and the “special interests” who controlled it. Enter the referendum as a way of addressing this “democratic deficit.” Why not let the people decide?


2004 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 161-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saul Cornell

Second Amendment scholarship has become mired in an intellectual quagmire. Contemporary debate over this provision of the Bill of Rights has been cast in terms of a simple dichotomy: either the Second Amendment protects an expansive individual right similar in nature to freedom of the press or it protects a narrow right of the states to maintain a well-regulated militia. Partisans of the individual rights view argue that the Second Amendment was designed to affirm a basic individual right to own firearms for hunting, recreation, and personal protection. The other view of the amendment, often described as the collective rights view, argues that the amendment was about the allocation of military power in the federal system. According to this view, the Second Amendment was a modest concession to moderate Antifederalists who feared the power of the new federal government. By affirming the right of the people to bear arms as part of a well-regulated militia, Federalists assuaged lingering Antifederalist qualms about the future of the state militias.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-309
Author(s):  
Vladimir Yuryevich Bystryukov

In the early 1920s, the Eurasian movement emerged in the Russian emigration. Its representatives tried to explain the causes of the Russian revolution, re-evaluating the historical path of the country and its cultural characteristics development. In the first half of the 1920s, the movement loudly declared itself and quickly gained popularity among the Russian intelligentsia. Its leaders began to attract new authors for publication in Eurasian publications, including Mstislav Vyacheslavovich Shakhmatov, a graduate of the law faculty of St. Petersburg University. He published only two articles in Eurasian publications. However, its role and importance in the Eurasian movement in modern historiography is estimated differently: from being ranked among the founders of Eurasianism to denying any significant role in its history. M.V. Shakhmatov considered the features of the ideal state doctrine of the old Russian principalities and the Moscow Kingdom based on Chronicles and other works of ancient Russian script in his works published in the Eurasian Periodicals. M.V. Shakhmatov thought that the right to the content was super-conscious and followed from religious premises, from the truth of God. Ancient people spread these ideals to the area of state-legal phenomena. In his opinion, the state set three main tasks: the protection of Orthodoxy, the establishment of the truth on earth and protection of the physical existence of the people. The idea of podvigopolozhnichestvo of the Supreme power of the early history of Christianity came from Byzantium. M.V. Shakhmatov noted that the political reality of the life of the old Russian principalities and council cities was very different from the ideals laid down in the chronicles and other works of ancient Russian script. However, the ideal of the state of the truth is remained in the works of Slavophiles, F.M. Dostoevsky, P.I. Novgorodtsev, and individual manifestations in the practice of the Russian Empire.


2020 ◽  
pp. 101-140
Author(s):  
Jane Mansbridge

Democracy has failure built into its DNA. The ideals of which it is composed are almost all aspirational, meaning that they cannot be met fully, partly because their full pursuit would conflict with other ideals in the package we mean when we ask what ought to be entailed when the people rule. The obligation involved in pursuing these ideals is therefore not to meet them, but to strive toward them, recognizing the impossibility of their full attainment and making the best accommodations one can to the conflicts with other ideals that arise in the process of that striving. In this process, pursuing the most direct path to the ideal may allow one to capture less of what is important about its meaning than letting the ideal inform democratic practices indirectly. Representation, for example, is on its face antithetical to the democratic ideal of giving a law to oneself. Yet without adopting direct democracy it is possible to capture the shards, threads, and intimations of the ideal of autonomy in certain practices of representation in the elected, administrative, and societal realms. Those practices include “recursive representation,” or mutually responsive, communication between constituent and representative, itself an aspirational ideal.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Hélène Landemore

This introductory chapter provides an overview of open democracy. Openness is an umbrella concept for general accessibility of power to ordinary citizens. Whereas representation, especially of the electoral kind, always creates the risk of robbing the people of the right to participate in law-making, an open system guarantees that citizens can make their voices generally heard at any point in time and initiate laws when they are not satisfied with the agenda set by representative authorities. Openness prevents the closure and entrenchment of the divide between the represented and representatives that inevitably accompany representation. It means that power flows through the body politic, as opposed to stagnates with a few people. Indeed, open democracy shares common features with what is commonly known as “participatory democracy” and can be considered a variety of it.


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