scholarly journals HATE SPEECH AND THE 2015 GENERAL ELECTIONS IN NIGERIA

Author(s):  
Abiodun Fasakin ◽  
Olusola Oyero ◽  
Kehinde Oyesomi ◽  
Nelson Okorie
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Omilusi

Até alguns meses para as eleições gerais de 2015, muitos partidos políticos que hibernaram convenientemente por uma boa parte da sua existência, talvez devido à falta de estrutura organizacional adequada ou base de apoio, programas descoordenados ou por terem sido registrados por ganhos pecuniários, de repente começaram a aparecer no espaço político. O principal partido da oposição e o partido no poder estavam ou aperfeiçoando processos de fusão ou envolvidos em discussões internas, de modo que a comunicação com o eleitorado em questões fundamentais tornou-se inconsequente. Na verdade, os dois partidos dominantes, o Partido Popular Democrata e o Congresso Progressista Geral apenas lançaram seus candidatos presidenciais menos de cinco meses para as eleições; e a campanha eleitoral assumiu a contestação desesperada em um clima de preconceito e intolerância. Os discursos de ódio e a violência foram as características de suas campanhas eleitorais. As eleições gerais de 2015, portanto, oferecem um contexto único para interrogar o lugar da comunicação política do partido em uma democracia emergente e, especificamente, como as campanhas de ódio entre os gladiadores políticos/partidos conflitantes poderiam gerar violência e, se não domesticadas, descarrilar a consolidação democrática. Este artigo afirma que o discurso de ódio não é apenas inspirado por algumas circunstâncias sociais, mas também parte de um processo democrático geral. Isso atesta o fato de que os políticos nigerianos se tornaram mais desesperados e ousados em tomar e manter o poder político; e mais intolerantes à oposição, críticas e esforços para substituí-los. Baseando-se amplamente em fontes secundárias com a ajuda de ferramentas descritivas e narrativas, este ensaio conclui que a cultura política de um país determina o comportamento e a atitude da população em relação ao sistema político, e que a transição democrática de uma administração para outra, particularmente em democracias emergentes, muitas vezes foi acompanhada de violência promovida pelos desejos do partido político no poder para consolidar seus apelos ao poder e pelo interesse dos interessados em capturar o mesmo.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-332
Author(s):  
Ayesha Siddiqua

Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to examine the use of cyber hate by the Pakistan’s mainstream political parties. The issue of poll rigging in Pakistan’s General Elections 2013 is examined through discourse analysis of the related tweets. The study also aims at comprehending the extent to which cyber ethics were violated during the digital electoral campaigns. Methodology: Discourse Analysis of the tweets generated from the official Twitter handles of PTI and PMLN leaders was conducted to examine the use of cyber hate by the Pakistan’s mainstream political parties. Violation of cyber ethics was explored through the qualitative interviews of 8 purposively selected social media managers of PMLN, PPP, and PTI. Main Findings: The findings indicated that party leadership/politicians used the elements of cyber hate which included abusive language, provocation, and character assassination against their opponents during the digital electoral campaign in general and regarding the poll rigging issue of Pakistan’s General Elections 2013 in specific. Resultantly the tweets using strong adjectives and metaphors on the political opponents were more frequently re-tweeted and attracted more favorites. Applications of this study: The study can be helpful in various cross-disciplinary areas that focus on the examination of the usage and impact of social media and cyberspace as a medium for hate speech dissemination. The study can significantly contribute to areas related to cyber ethics, digital electoral campaigning, freedom of expression, and political opinion building. Novelty/Originality of this study: The study’s originality lies in its attempt to unfold the foundations of digital electoral campaigning in Pakistan and how cyberhate was used as a pivotal tool for advancing the political narratives in a fragile democratic society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 162-174
Author(s):  
Fredrick Meeme Irimba; Jacinta Ndambuki; Florence Mwithi

The purpose of this study is to examine online hate discourse; with a focus on the construction of online ethno-political rhetoric as a form of hate speech during Kenya's 2017 general election. The study employed a qualitative case study design which entailed an empirical investigation of a particular phenomenon using multiple evidence. Purposive sampling allowed the researcher to observe, collect and analyse only the specific materials that had the characteristics relevant to the objective of this study. Working within Computer-Mediated Discourse Analysis (CMDA) framework, we analyse a purposively selected sample of sixteen posts from FB (ten) and Twitter (six) derived from the initial sample of 360 posts collected through online observation of Facebook groups and hashtags trending in Kenya between July and November 2017. ‘The findings point at the shifting hate speech battle fields where ethno-political extremism in form of ‘Us against Them’ discourse finds easy expression online through dehumanizing epithets and metaphors that de-personalize and de-characterize the target, bringing to salience their perceived negative attributes in order to justify prejudice against them as a tool of political mobilization. These insights are relevant in understanding hate speech in multi-ethnic cultural contexts in society generally and specifically in Kenya. The study recommends that the government of Kenya and other key stakeholders should develop a media literacy policy on the moral responsibility in embracing netiquette and responsible netizenship in online interactions. 


1999 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 215-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moira Chimombo

This is an exciting time to be surveying the interrelationship between language and politics, both for political and linguistic reasons. The past decade, as everyone knows, has been witness to dramatic changes in the political map of the world, reflected most noticeably in the west in the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, but also, more quietly in some cases, more violently in others, in countries physically and politically as far apart as South Africa and China. Moves toward democracy in many areas of the world coincided with or followed on the end of the Cold War. These moves came about due to a return to democracy of postcolonial states that had become totalitarian and the granting of independence to most of the few remaining colonies. Through such changes we have come to see that “the language of democracy was mobilised against regimes that, in however perverted a way, were speaking the language of Marxism and socialism” (Schwarzmantel 1998:183), colonialism, and other totalitarianisms. Between 1989 and 1994, although later in some countries, the vast majority of newly (re)democratized peoples experienced for the first time in their lives the opportunity to express freely their political voice in democratic general elections, reflecting a move from bullets to ballots that appeared to be a “virtual miracle” (Joseph 1998:3). Since 1994, in many places, the optimism has faded as the “illusory nature of [the new regimes'] democratic institutions and practices” has become evident (Joseph 1998:3). Even in the long–established democracies, a disturbing rise in hate speech leading to violence has served to emphasize that speech can, and often does, provoke action (Owen 1998), while in certain particularly troubled areas, discourse, especially media discourse, has even been linked to genocide (e.g., Lemarchand 1994).


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 355-377
Author(s):  
Lydia A. Nkansah ◽  
Delali A. Gawu

There have been seven general elections, under Ghana's Fourth Republic, to elect presidents and members of parliament. There are laws regulating the electoral process and election results have generally been accepted and, in a few cases, challenged through the laid-down process. Elections in Ghana are nonetheless reportedly flawed with irregularities tainting the outcome and creating tensions and sometimes pockets of violence. This article examines the electoral process under Ghana's Fourth Republic, namely the adoption of regulations for each electoral cycle, voters’ registration and the voters’ register, nomination of aspirants, voting, counting of votes and declaration of the results. To ensure the integrity of the electoral process, the laws regulating elections should comply with the dictates of the procedural requirements of the rule of law and the Electoral Commission's actions must be consistent with these laws.


Author(s):  
Malcolm Petrie

Concentrating upon the years between the 1924 and 1929 general elections, which separated the first and second minority Labour governments, this chapter traces the rise of a modernised, national vision of Labour politics in Scotland. It considers first the reworking of understandings of sovereignty within the Labour movement, as the autonomy enjoyed by provincial trades councils was circumscribed, and notions of Labour as a confederation of working-class bodies, which could in places include the Communist Party, were replaced by a more hierarchical, national model. The electoral consequences of this shift are then considered, as greater central control was exercised over the selection of parliamentary candidates and the conduct of election campaigns. This chapter presents a study of the changing horizons of the political left in inter-war Scotland, analysing the declining importance of locality in the construction of radical political identities.


Asian Survey ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane K. Mauzy
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Yorgos Christidis

This article analyzes the growing impoverishment and marginalization of the Roma in Bulgarian society and the evolution of Bulgaria’s post-1989 policies towards the Roma. It examines the results of the policies so far and the reasons behind the “poor performance” of the policies implemented. It is believed that Post-communist Bulgaria has successfully re-integrated the ethnic Turkish minority given both the assimilation campaign carried out against it in the 1980s and the tragic events that took place in ex-Yugoslavia in the 1990s. This Bulgaria’s successful “ethnic model”, however, has failed to include the Roma. The “Roma issue” has emerged as one of the most serious and intractable ones facing Bulgaria since 1990. A growing part of its population has been living in circumstances of poverty and marginalization that seem only to deteriorate as years go by. State policies that have been introduced since 1999 have failed at large to produce tangible results and to reverse the socio-economic marginalization of the Roma: discrimination, poverty, and social exclusion continue to be the norm. NGOs point out to the fact that many of the measures that have been announced have not been properly implemented, and that legislation existing to tackle discrimination, hate crime, and hate speech is not implemented. Bulgaria’s political parties are averse in dealing with the Roma issue. Policies addressing the socio-economic problems of the Roma, including hate speech and crime, do not enjoy popular support and are seen as politically damaging.


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