scholarly journals IMPLEMENTATTION OF THE COMMON EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY IN THE CONTEXT OF ITS MILITARY ASPECT

Author(s):  
Venelin Terziev ◽  
Svilen Stefanov ◽  
Vanya Banabakova
2020 ◽  
pp. 39-58
Author(s):  
Laura C. Ferreira-Pereira ◽  

This article examines the legacy of the three Portuguese Presidencies of the Council of the European Union (1992, 2000 and 2007) in the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). It places particular emphasis on the efforts undertaken by the national authorities to promote the EU’s global actorness as part of a strategy aimed at enhancing the country’s European credentials and international relevance. The study confirms the incremental prioritization of the CFSP/ESDP-related issues in the Portuguese EU presidencies’ agendas while concluding that, as a result of such tendency, one has witnessed the growing projection of Portugal’s vision of the European foreign policy.


2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (68) ◽  
pp. 106-127
Author(s):  
Beatrica Šmaguc

Abstract After decades of reliance upon NATO in security matters, the EU ought to develop security assets of its own in order to protect its interests and citizens. The Common Foreign and Security Policy as an expression of EU readiness and willingness to play a more significant role in security matters on the international stage led to the creation of the European Security and Defence Policy, thus putting at the EU’s disposal civilian and military capabilities for dealing with the crisis spots around the world. The EUBG concept originated with the first member states’ pledges in November 2004 which gave added value to the EU in the security and defence area, at least on paper, while so far no EUBG has been deployed in the theatre of operations.


2001 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-372
Author(s):  

AbstractThe author discusses the changes made in the Treaty of Nice concerning the EU's external face as well as the influential French Presidency report on the European Security and Defence Policy, with a view to analyzing the relations between the EU and its member states as well as those between the EU and various other organizations active in the same field. She concludes that the institutional infrastructure is reasonably well developed.


2002 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Webber ◽  
Terry Terriff ◽  
Jolyon Howorth ◽  
Stuart Croft

2014 ◽  
pp. 68-91
Author(s):  
Marek Brylonek

In 1999, soon after the European Union member states had decided to establish the European Security and Defence Policy, the processes of appointing adequate tools for its accomplishment also started. Decisions were made to create organs and institutions and to elaborate appropriate procedures which would enable fast and precise decision-making of planning and conduct in the field of security and defence. Since that time the European Union and its Security and Defence Policy have evolved in many aspects and are still evolving. Security researchers currently attempt to provide the answer to an important problem: what are the trends characterising changes in the Common Security and Defence Policy of the European Union. The author, basing on research and own experiences of work in the politico-strategic planning structures of the European External Action Service, analyses current trends in the Common Security and Defence Policy, especially regarding the evolution of the Union’s organs and institutions, crisis management procedures, implementation of comprehensive approach and tendencies in the newly-deployed missions. This material is a result of extensive discussions and consultations conducted within a broad international and interinstitutional crisis management environment. It is based on interviews with high-level subject-related personnel and the listed bibliography


European View ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolyon Howorth

The UK has traditionally played an ambivalent role in European security and defence policymaking. With Brexit, the EU loses one of its two serious military players. On the other hand, it has been liberated from the constraints imposed by London on the Common Security and Defence Policy, and this has created a new dynamism behind the defence project. There has been comparatively little commentary on the defence implications of Brexit, and the UK has been less than forthcoming in making concrete proposals for an ongoing UK-EU partnership. Both sides assert that they wish to maintain a strong cooperative relationship after Brexit, but the outlines of such an arrangement remain very unclear. This article suggests that the UK will have more to lose than the EU from any failure to reach agreement, and that UK ambivalence about links between the Common Security and Defence Policy and NATO will prove to be a major sticking point.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 200-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Keohane

In 1999, few people would have predicted that the EU would send ships to Somalia, police to Afghanistan, judges to Kosovo and soldiers to Chad. Yet, that is exactly what the EU has been doing. The European Security and Defence policy (ESDP) –since renamed the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) – was launched shortly after NATO’s war in Kosovo in June 1999, to ensure that Europeans could respond to international crises, including launching operations, without depending on the US (via NATO). Since 2003 the EU has initiated some 24 peace-support operations in Europe, Africa and Asia, using both civil and military resources, and some of these missions have had impressive results. However, at times there have been some real difficulties with CSDP operations, ranging from resource shortages, intermittent political support from Member States, and a lack of coordination between EU actors. Lessons already identified in the crisis management debate point to two fundamental factors of success. First, a comprehensive approach that brings together the different actors deployed in the field. Second, the resilience of the political and material commitment of crisis management actors, possibly over many years. Both these factors pose important questions for the future of EU peace operations.


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