PARA ALÉM DAS FRONTEIRAS DO GRáƒO-PARá: o peso das relações entre as prová­ncias no xadrez da independência (1822-1825)

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (20) ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDRÉ ROBERTO DE ARRUDA MACHADO

Tendo o Grão-Pará como centro de análise, este artigo busca demonstrar que as decisões polá­ticas no perá­odo da independência tinham uma lógica mais ampla do que as fronteiras provinciais. Dessa forma, busca jogar luz na construção anterior de relações polá­ticas e econômicas entre as prová­ncias vizinhas, identificando o peso e os limites que as relações de dependência e hierarquia tiveram nesse momento. O recorte até 1825 dá-se, justamente, porque as circunstá¢ncias polá­ticas nas prová­ncias vizinhas, sobretudo o Maranhão, são um dos fatores que põem em dúvida o destino polá­tico do Pará mesmo após o seu alinhamento oficial ao governo do Rio de Janeiro. Palavras-chave: Independência. Grão-Pará. Território.   BEYOND THE BORDERS OF GRáƒO-PARá: the weight of the relations among the provinces in the independence chess (1822-25)   Abstract: Considering Grão-Pará as center of analysis, this article intends to demonstrate that the political decisions in the period of the independence had a wider logic than the provincial borders. In that way, it tries to shed light on the previous construction of political and economical relations among the neighboring provinces, identifying the weight and the limits that these relations of dependence and hierarchy had on that moment. The cutting until 1825 occurs exactly because the political circumstances in the neighboring provinces, especially in Maranhão, are one of the factors which bring into question the political destiny of Pará even after its official alignment to the government of Rio de Janeiro. Keywords: Independence. Grão-Pará. Territory.  MáS ALLá DE LAS FRONTERAS DE GRAN PARá: el peso de las relaciones interprovinciales en el proceso independentista (1822-1825)   Resumen: Teniendo Gran Pará como centro de análisis, este artá­culo busca mostrar que las decisiones polá­ticas en el perá­odo independentista tená­an una lógica más amplia que las fronteras provinciales. Asá­, aquá­ se busca iluminar el proceso de construcción de las relaciones polá­ticas y económicas entre las provincias vecinas, identificando el peso y los lá­mites que estas relaciones de dependencia y jerarquá­a tuvieron en ese momento. El recorte temporal de 1822 a 1825 se propone   porque las circunstancias polá­ticas en las provincias vecinas, sobre todo Maranhão, son uno de los factores que   pone en duda el destino polá­tico de Pará, incluso después de su alineamiento oficial con el gobierno de Rá­o de Janeiro. Palabras-clave: Independencia. Gran Pará. Territorio.

2020 ◽  
pp. 179-184
Author(s):  
He Bian

This concluding chapter turns to developments in the bencao tradition after the fall of Qing China and considers the broader implications of this study on modern China. It asserts that while the making of the bencao pharmacopeia had long faded from the government-sponsored cultural stage, the power of pharmaceutical objecthood endured in less centralized expressions. The popularization of pharmaceutical culture mirrored the efforts of local communities’ efforts to reclaim moral agency in the wake of the traumatic Taiping Wars (1852–1864) and the Arrow War (1856–1860). Pharmacists joined forces with resident gentry, clergy, and a growing contingent of Confucian activists to rebuild local society and reshape national politics. The struggle for authority over the nature of drugs thus continues to shed light on the complex interplay among knowledge, power, and ethics in modern China; pharmacy remains a good vantage point from which to observe the perennial search for consensus over the political administration of human nature.


2020 ◽  
Vol 80 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 160-176
Author(s):  
Noemi Lanna

Abstract This article analyses the role that diplomat and political leader Yoshida Shigeru (1878–1967) played in shaping postwar Japan’s politics of commemoration, with a focus on the book Japan’s Decisive Century (1967). It identifies, first, the distinctive elements characterising the historical narrative of modern Japan proposed in the book. It then explores Yoshida’s arguments in the light of the political and cultural climate of the 1960s. In particular, it investigates the influence of modernization theory and it considers the analogies and differences between the narratives of war, postwar and modernity presented in Japan’s Decisive Century and the historical interpretations underpinning the government-sponsored initiatives for commemorating the Meiji Centennial (1968). Ultimately, this article seeks to shed light on the implications of Yoshida’s proposed representation of history on the process of identity building in postwar Japan.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 148-154
Author(s):  
Fazel Asadi Amjad ◽  
Kamran Ahmadgoli ◽  
Saman Sadr

This study is an attempt at reading Jack Kerouac’s “The Subterraneans” in the light of the theory of Michel Foucault. “The Subterraneans”, written in 1958, grapples with the life of Leo, the alter ego of Jack Kerouac himself. The actions and interactions of its main characters, Leo Percepied and Mardou Fox, are observed and analyzed, focusing on the political philosophy of Foucault, specifically his conceptions of power, power relations, institutions, and surveillance to shed light on the ideas of Kerouac, the spokesperson of the Beat Generation. Kerouac’s novel represents the spirit of the age of a people who sought change, difference, and disobedience; the main characters are antiheroes who challenge their prisonlike structure of the society. In contrast, the government has the upper hand by means of its distinct and overlapping institutions that not only neutralize such acts or resistances but make normal and ordinary those individuals who were themselves the promoters and examples of abnormality. Jack Kerouac’s “The Subterraneans” is characterized by unfreedom, obedience, unthinking men, individuals without individuality, and disillusionment.


Author(s):  
Lerice De Castro Garzoni

ResumoO artigo analisa o romance A Intrusa, de Julia Lopes de Almeida, com o objetivo de apresentar diferentes interpretações sobre a obra dessa autora. Há inúmeras pesquisas que empregaram o termo feminismo para qualificar o posicionamento político da escritora. Alguns pesquisadores, por sua vez, reuniram indícios sobre a presença de uma perspectiva racista em sua produção. Baseado na leitura do na imprensa, o artigo defende que o racismo ocupou posição central no projeto político e literário da autora. O artigo é derivado do projeto de pesquisa Arena de combate: gênero e direitos na imprensa diária (Rio de Janeiro, início do século XX), realizado entre 2007 e 2012, com financiamento da FAPESP e da CAPES.Palabras chave: Imprensa, literatura, feminismo, racismo, trabalho, República.**************************************************Feminism and racism in the novel The Intrusa by Julia Lopes de AlmeidaAbstractThe article analyzes the novel A Intrusa, written by Julia Lopes de Almeida, with the aim of presenting  different interpretations of her literary work. Numerous studies have employed the term feminist to  describe the political positioning of the writer. Some researchers identified the presence of a racist perspective in her production. From reading the novel as it was published in the press, the article argues that racism occupied a central position in the author’s political and literary project. The article is derived from the research project Arena de combate: gênero e direitos na imprensa diária (Rio de Janeiro, início do século XX), conducted between 2007 and 2012, supported by FAPESP and CAPES.Key words: Press, literature, feminism, racism, work, Republic***************************************************El feminismo y el racismo en la novela La Intrusa de Julia Lopes deAlmeidaResumenEl artículo analiza la novela A Intrusa, escrita por Julia Lopes de Almeida, con el objetivo de presentar las diferentes interpretaciones de la obra de la autora. Existen numerosos estudios que han empleado el término feminista para describir el posicionamiento político de la escritora. Algunos investigadores, a su vez, reunieron evidencias de la presencia de una perspectiva racista en su producción. Basándose en la lectura de la novela en la prensa, el artículo sostiene que el racismo ha ocupado un lugar central en el proyecto político y literário dela autora. El artículo se deriva del proyeto de investigación Arena de combate: gênero e direitos na imprensa diária (Rio de Janeiro, início do século XX), llevado a cabo entre 2007 y 2012, financiado por FAPESP y CAPES. Palabras clave: Prensa, literatura, feminismo, racismo, trabajo, República.*************************************************


2019 ◽  
pp. 093-111

Resumen: El siguiente artículo se propone realizar un análisis de la política social y económica del gobierno del Frente Amplio (FA) en Uruguay, de 2005 hasta 2016, señalando los cambios más relevantes y las contradicciones más destacables en estos dos ámbitos. El balance se realiza a partir de una comparación con la situación existente durante el anterior periodo neoliberal. Se concluye que el cambio ha sido real pero moderado y se ha evidenciado sobre todo en algunas reformas sociales (salud, laboral y tributaria). En el área económica los resultados macroeconómicos han sido satisfactorios, pero el modelo económico no se revertido sino todo lo contrario, se ha acentuado en sus problemas tradicionales (primarización, concentración y extranjerización de propiedad, contaminación ambiental). La metodología combina la revisión bibliográfica con entrevistas semiestructuradas realizadas durante el año 2017. Palabras clave: Frente Amplio, cambio moderado, reformas sociales, política económica. The social and economic policy of the government of the Broad Front in Uruguay (2005-2016) Abstract: This paper aims to analyze the social and economic policy of the government of the ‘Broad Front’ in Uruguay, from 2005 to 2016, identifying the most relevant changes and the most notable contradictions in these two areas. We have made a comparison with the situation existing during the previous neoliberal period. We concluded that the change has been real but moderate and has been evident above all in some social reforms (health, labor and tax). In the economic area, the macroeconomic results have been satisfactory, but the economic model has not changed; it has worsened in its traditional problems (primarization, concentration and foreign ownership of property, environmental pollution). The methodology combines bibliographic review with semi-structured interviews conducted during the year 2017. Keywords: Broad Front, moderate change, social reforms, economic policy


Author(s):  
Isabel Álvarez Gallego ◽  
Silvia Blanco Agüeira

Resumen: Tras crear y desarrollar durante siete años diecinueve poemas manuscritos, que hoy en día son considerados síntesis de su pensamiento, Le Corbusier publicó en 1955 su Poème de l´Angle Droit. Al estudiar este poema reconocemos en él los principales temas presentes en su trayectoria, así como algunos elementos —la espada, la nube y la estrella— que aparecen en su obra pictórica y arquitectónica. La presente comunicación pretende desvelar las conexiones que se establecen entre uno de estos elementos en concreto, como es la imagen de la estrella, y su incorporación al proceso de proyecto lecorbusieriano. Se trata de analizar cómo este tema, que se repite de forma obsesiva, configura imágenes que permanecen en las estrategias arquitectónicas que llevó a cabo el maestro suizo. La estrella habla de faro, de guía, de motor dentro de un proceso de viaje. Es el elemento que representa la movilidad del cosmos, que rige ese carácter de repetición ligado al arte; una señal que guía al viajero y define el itinerario que deben seguir sus pasos, que nos hace pensar en una brillante luz y en la distancia entre lo real y lo imaginado. Y, sobre todo, es la referencia presente en edificios, que condensaban así reflexiones que daban coherencia y unidad a las distintas opciones del proyecto. Abstract: Following a seven year period dedicated to the creation and development of nineteen manuscript poems, which today are considered a synthesis of his thinking, in 1955 Le Corbusier published his Poème de l´Angle Droit. The study of this poem reveals the principal themes that dominated his trajectory, as well as a series of elements, namely the sword, the cloud and the star, which appear in his pictorial and architectural work. This paper aims to shed light on the connections established between one of these elements in particular —the star— and its incorporation into Lecorbuserian method of architectural design. It seeks to analyse how this item is repeated obsessively, forming images which remain rooted in the architectural strategies developed by the Swiss architect. The star speaks of a lighthouse, a guide, a driving force that spurs on the journey. It is the element that represents the mobility of the cosmos, which governs the nature of repetition linked to art; a signal that guides the traveler and traces the route their steps must take them, leading us to think of a bright light and the distance that separates the real and the imagined. And above all, it is the reference in those buildings that condensed the reflections that gave coherence and unity to the various project options.  Palabras clave: estrella; cosmos; proyecto; mirada; símbolo; proceso creativo. Keywords: star; cosmos; project; gaze, symbol; creative process. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.980


Author(s):  
Herbert Marcuse

This chapter discusses social stratification in Nazi Germany. Since the abolition of all popular representation, the political decisions in Germany were reached by compromises between the leadership of the Nazi Party, the Army, the ministerial bureaucracy, and the representatives of certain powerful business groups. The economic groups usually kept in the background, although their voice in the fundamental decisions of policy-making was just as strong as, and perhaps even stronger than, that of the government (state and Party). The chapter provides an overview of five ruling groups in Nazi Germany: the leadership of the Nazi Party and affiliated organizations; the top strata of the governmental and political bureaucracy; the High Command of the Armed Forces and its representatives; the leadership of big business; and the landed aristocracy. It also looks at the ruled social groups, which include artisans, civil servants, and peasants.


Author(s):  
Ahmad Zafarullah Abdul Jalil

This article attempts to shed light on the political economy of the Malaysian state governments’ budgetary behaviour by tailoring hypotheses drawn from recent theoretical literature to the Malaysian institutional context and testing them empirically. The main objective here was to examine whether state governments’ fiscal behaviour can partly be explained by the political attributes and the institutional characteristics of the government, and of the legislature. In particular, the study analysed whether the incentives for the state governments to observe a prudent spending behaviour have not been undermined by the fact that they have been able to influence relevant central government decisions regarding their finance. The estimation results showed that states that are over-represented at the executive level tend to have higher spending and deficits. However, no correlation was found between over-representation at the parliament and state governments’ fiscal outcomes. This can be explained by the fact that in Malaysia, as is frequently the case in developing nations, the legislature is peripheral to the executive in terms of decision-making power.  


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (20) ◽  
Author(s):  
VERA LUCIA VIEIRA

Resumen: En este artá­culo, se analiza el impacto del cambio de la mayor colonia portuguesa en las Américas en Reino Unido de Portugal, y de Brasil, y del Algarves, en el marco del Congreso de Viena. En 1820, el movimiento liberal portugués, a través de la revolución de Porto, exigió el retorno del Rey Don Juan VI después que en 1822, se proclamó la independencia de la ex colonia, todavá­a bajo los auspicios de la familia real portuguesa, encabezada por el primer heredero de los Braganza y Bourbon, el prá­ncipe regente Don Pedro de Alcá¢ntara. Inaugúrase, entonces, no una República, como ocurre en otras regiones de América Latina, sino un Imperio, el de Brasil, todavá­a vinculado a lógica de la polá­tica de Portugal y de la casa de Bragança, aunque por presupuesto, desvinculado formalmente de la antigua metrópoli. En medio a los antagonismos polá­ticos, económicos e ideológicos que dividen los paá­ses, tras el Congreso de Viena, entre los defensores de la restauración del sistema absolutista, los movimientos liberales y nacionalistas y las huellas revolucionarias, el Imperio luso-brasileño se consolidó como que ”extrañado” conforme dirá­a Kar Marx. En Brasil, la monarquá­a garantizará que los acuerdos firmados con Inglaterra con los intereses antecesores sean cumplidos, fortaleciendo los intereses de los tradicionales exportadores con vá­nculos europeos, abortando las tendencias liberales y la integración con las luchas latino americanas, aislando de las decisiones polá­ticas a la gran mayorá­a de la populación, cuyas demandas serán consideradas crá­menes contra el Estado. Para la comprobación de tales consideraciones, han sido analizados documentos del  Centro de documentación e historia diplomática del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Brasil (Biblioteca del Itamaraty), y  Documentos del Centro de estudios históricos de la Universidad Nova de Lisboa y la historiografá­a producida. Palabras clave: Reino Unido de Portugal, de Brasil y Algarves. Imperio de Brasil. Relaciones internacionales en el Congreso de Viena.  THE OUTCOME OF BRAZIL BECOME UNITED KINGDOM TO PORTUGAL AND ALGARVES UNDER THE CONGRESS OF VIENA Abstract: This article analyzes the outcome of Portugal”™s largest colony in America become a United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and Algarves in the context of Vienna Congress. In 1820, during the Porto Revolution, the Portuguese liberal movement demanded the return of King D. João VI to Portugal, and in 1822, the former colony is declared independent, however still under the influence of the Portuguese royal family, headed by the first heir of the Bragança and Bourbon, the regent prince Don Pedro de Alcá¢ntara. After this process, it was created not a Republic, as happened in all the others regions of Latin America, but a Brazilian Empire, that remains linked to the political logic of Portugal, although formally independent of the former metropolis. Between political, economical and ideological antagonism that split the countries in the Congress of Vienna is one of the defenders of the restoration of the absolutist system and, on the other hand, the liberals and nationalist movements and the revolutionary experiences, the Portuguese-Brazilian Empire consolidate itself as a ”strange”, as Karl Marx has said about it. In Brazil, the monarchy guaranteed that the deals made with England by the Portuguese would be still valid ”“ making stronger the interest of the traditional exporters that had a strong bonding with Europe, leading to fail of the liberal tendencies and the integration with other Latin American strugles, leaving apart from the political decisions the majority of the population, that had their demands considered a crime against the State. To prove this facts we have analyzed documents of Brazilian external relations ministry”™s  Centro de Documentação e História diplomática (Itamaraty Library), documents from Universidade Nova de Lisboa”™s Centro de Estudos Históricos and the the historiography that have been produced.Keywords: United Kingdom of Portugal. Brazil and Algarves. Brazilian Empire. International relations in the Congress of Vienna  O IMPACTO DA ELEVAÇÃO DO BRASIL A REINO UNIDO A PORTUGAL E ALGARVES SOB A ÉGIDE DO CONGRESSO DE VIENA Resumo: Neste artá­culo, analisa-se o impacto da transformação da maior colônia portuguesa nas Américas, em Reino Unido de Portugal e do Brasil e de Algarves, nos marcos do Congresso de Viena.  Em 1820, o movimento liberal Português, através da revolução de Porto, exigiu o retorno do Rei Dom João VI, depois do que, em 1822, se proclama a independência da ex-colônia, embora sob os auspá­cios da famá­lia real portuguesa, encabeçada pelo herdeiro de um dos Bragança e Bourbon, o prá­ncipe regente Don Pedro de Alcá¢ntara. Inaugura-se, então, não uma República, como ocorria em outras regiões de América Latina, mas um Império, o do Brasil, ainda vinculado á lógica da polá­tica de Portugal e da casa de Bragança, embora teoricamente, desvinculado da antiga metrópole. Em meio aos antagonismos polá­ticos, econômicos e ideológicos que dividem os paá­ses integrantes do Congresso de Viena, - entre os defensores da restauração do sistema absolutista, os movimentos liberais e nacionalistas e as ondas revolucionárias-, o Império luso-brasileiro consolida-se como que ”estranhado”, conforme o diria Karl Marx. No Brasil, a monarquia garantirá que os acordos firmados com Inglaterra segundo interesses dos poderes vigentes anteriormente sejam cumpridos -, fortalecendo os interesses dos tradicionais exportadores com vá­nculos europeus, abortando as tendências liberais e a integração com as lutas latino americanas, isolando das decisões polá­ticas a grande maioria da população, cujas demandas serão consideradas crimes contra o Estado. Para a comprobação de tais considerações, foram analisados documentos do  Centro de documentação e historia diplomática do Ministério de Relações Exteriores do Brasil (Biblioteca do Itamaraty),eDocumentos do Centro de estudos históricos da Universidade Nova de Lisboa e a historiografia já produzida.  Palavras chave: Brasil Império. Relações internacionais no Congresso de Viena. Império luso-brasileiro.  


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