Memory as the Continuation of Politics by Other Means. Yoshida Shigeru’s Japan’s Decisive Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 80 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 160-176
Author(s):  
Noemi Lanna
Keyword(s):  
Historical Narrative ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Modernization Theory ◽  
Postwar Japan ◽  
Cultural Climate ◽  
Modern Japan ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Shed Light

Abstract This article analyses the role that diplomat and political leader Yoshida Shigeru (1878–1967) played in shaping postwar Japan’s politics of commemoration, with a focus on the book Japan’s Decisive Century (1967). It identifies, first, the distinctive elements characterising the historical narrative of modern Japan proposed in the book. It then explores Yoshida’s arguments in the light of the political and cultural climate of the 1960s. In particular, it investigates the influence of modernization theory and it considers the analogies and differences between the narratives of war, postwar and modernity presented in Japan’s Decisive Century and the historical interpretations underpinning the government-sponsored initiatives for commemorating the Meiji Centennial (1968). Ultimately, this article seeks to shed light on the implications of Yoshida’s proposed representation of history on the process of identity building in postwar Japan.

Epilogue

2020 ◽  
pp. 179-184
Author(s):  
He Bian
Keyword(s):  
Human Nature ◽  
Moral Agency ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
Vantage Point ◽  
Modern China ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Local Society ◽  
The Government ◽  
Shed Light

This concluding chapter turns to developments in the bencao tradition after the fall of Qing China and considers the broader implications of this study on modern China. It asserts that while the making of the bencao pharmacopeia had long faded from the government-sponsored cultural stage, the power of pharmaceutical objecthood endured in less centralized expressions. The popularization of pharmaceutical culture mirrored the efforts of local communities’ efforts to reclaim moral agency in the wake of the traumatic Taiping Wars (1852–1864) and the Arrow War (1856–1860). Pharmacists joined forces with resident gentry, clergy, and a growing contingent of Confucian activists to rebuild local society and reshape national politics. The struggle for authority over the nature of drugs thus continues to shed light on the complex interplay among knowledge, power, and ethics in modern China; pharmacy remains a good vantage point from which to observe the perennial search for consensus over the political administration of human nature.

An everyday glimpse of the nation: NHK’s morning drama (asadora) and rituality

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-126
Author(s):  
Elisabeth Scherer
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Collective Memory ◽  
Olympic Games ◽  
Symbolic Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Unity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Broadcaster ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Shed Light

NHK’s morning drama (asadora) has been an important institution on Japanese television since the 1960s and is also known as ‘national drama’. This article discusses this media format in the context of rituals and nationhood: watching asadora has become an everyday ritual that can convey a sense of national unity, and the series functions as a ‘media ritual’ that naturalizes the concept of the Japanese nation, thereby also strengthening the symbolic power of the public broadcaster NHK. As the example of Hiyokko (2017) shows, the producers of this series evoke collective memory and nostalgia by depicting everyday culture and large, nationally charged events such as the 1964 Olympic Games. Reflecting on asadora can shed light on the political and ideological dimensions of seemingly ‘banal’ media products as well as provide more general insights into the development of television in times of social media and the disappearance of the ‘national’ TV audience.

scholarly journals Postmodernism as a Nationalist Conservatism? The Case of Zhang Yiwu

2016 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giorgio Strafella
Keyword(s):  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Modern China ◽  
The Political ◽  
Chinese Studies ◽  
Political Stance ◽  
Peking University ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Shed Light

AbstractThe adoption of postmodernist and postcolonial theories by China’s intellectuals dates back to the early 1990s and its history is intertwined with that of two contemporaneous trends in the intellectual sphere, i. e. the rise of conservatism and an effort to re-define the function of the Humanities in the country. This article examines how these trends merge in the political stance of a key figure in that process, Peking University literary scholar Zhang Yiwu, through a critical discourse analysis of his writings from the early and mid-1990s. Pointing at his strategic use of postmodernist discourse, it argues that Zhang Yiwu employed a legitimate critique of the concept of modernity and West-centrism to advocate a historical narrative and a definition of cultural criticism that combine Sino-centrism and depoliticisation. The article examines programmatic articles in which the scholar articulated a theory of the end of China’s “modernity”. It also takes into consideration other parallel interventions that shed light on Zhang Yiwu’s political stance towards modern China, globalisation and post-1992 economic reforms, including a discussion between Zhang Yiwu and some of his most prominent detractors. The article finally reflects on the implications of Zhang Yiwu’s writings for the field of Chinese Studies, in particular on the need to look critically and contextually at the adoption of “foreign” theoretical discourse for national political agendas.

scholarly journals Political will is a required condition effective combating corruption.

2020 ◽  
pp. 359-365
Author(s):  
Kvasha Oksana
Keyword(s):  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Necessary Condition ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Will ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Government

Effective counteraction to corruption at all levels is not possible without the symbiosis of such components as influencing the causes and conditions of corruption, creating systemic anti-corruption legislation, its effective application to all without exception manifestations of corruption in all levels of state power. However, such a symbiosis can only produce a positive result if the political will of the state leadership is available. I would call it a "conditio sine qua non" (a condition without which there is) overcoming corruption in the country, because in Latin "conditio sine qua non" means "a necessary condition", a necessary condition for the result. Political will in combating corruption is not only the will of the political leader (head of state) as an individual, but also the will of individuals from his immediate environment. Only political will is capable of ensuring the effectiveness of all other necessary components of counteracting corruption. The political will of the leadership of the state is a conditio sine qua non of minimizing corruption in the country, that is, a condition without which effective counteraction to corruption and corruption crime in Ukraine is impossible. The presence of political will is a prerequisite in the chain of others who are not capable of effectively preventing the spread of corruption in the absence of political will of the government. No other political conditions, economic, social or legislative levers will succeed in reducing corruption. Therefore, a promising direction for further research on this issue is the development of a scientifically sound mechanism for political influence of the government on the effectiveness of anti-corruption measures in Ukraine.

The Politics of Growth in South Korea

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Haggard ◽  
Myung-Koo Kang
Keyword(s):  
Developmental State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Korean Economy ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Polarization ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Welfare State

This article examines the political origins of South Korea’s rapid economic development in the 1960s and 1970s, with emphasis on the enduring effects of the developmental state era. It begins by considering developments since 1980, including the influence of democratization, the causes and consequences of the financial crisis of 1997–1998, and the market-oriented reforms pursued by the government in the wake of the crisis. It then discusses the legacy of the developmental state era in the coverage of the welfare state, along with the liberalization of the Korean economy beginning in the 1980s. The article documents South Korea’s transition into a market economy, marked by reforms in the financial sector and corporate governance, as well as reforms in foreign direct investment and even labor markets. Finally, it appraises a number of challenges that the Korean political economy must deal with, including growing economic and social polarization, inequality, and the social policy agenda.

scholarly journals Government vs opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta since World War II

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antti Pajala
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Random Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Insight Into

In a parliamentary system it is by definition justified to assume the government parties voting almost always in a unitary manner in plenary votes. In a multiparty system it is, however, hard to predict how the opposition groups vote. Few studies analysing government-opposition voting in the Finnish parliament Eduskunta were published during the 1960s and 1970s. This study provides similar analyses regarding the parliamentary years of 1991-2012. Combined the studies provide an insight into the government-opposition relations since World War II. The results show that before the 1990s the government-opposition division in plenary votes appeared rather clear and the political party groups’ positions followed the traditional left-right dimension. Since the 1990s, the government-opposition division has become greater. The governing coalition acts almost as a bloc while the opposition groups are divided into moderate and hard opposition. The opposition groups, however, appear in a more or less random order. Consequently, since the 1990s the left-right dimension has disappeared with respect to plenary voting.

scholarly journals As visões de povo no jornal Notícias Populares e no conceito de populismo * The conception of people in Notícias Populares newspaper and in the concept of populism

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 266
Author(s):  
Larissa Raele Cestari
Keyword(s):  
Sao Paulo ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leader ◽  
São Paulo ◽  
Popular Classes ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The 1960S

O artigo compara as visões de povo que pautaram tanto o jornal Notícias Populares, no momento da sua criação, em 1963, pelo empresário e líder udenista Herbert Levy, representante da elite liberal paulista, quanto o conceito de populismo na versão elaborada pela sociologia paulista na década de 1960. Minha hipótese é a de que apesar de situados em diferentes posições do espectro político e com motivações e intenções diversas, as visões de povo, tanto da elite liberal paulista representada por Notícias Populares quanto dos formuladores do conceito de populismo, carregam aspectos em comum, inclusive na ambiguidade com que as classes populares são tratadas: ora passivas e manipuladas; ora reconhecidas como cidadãs, aptas a reivindicar seus direitos.*This paper compares the concepts of people that appeared both on the newspaper Notícias Populares at the time of its foundation, in 1963, by the entrepreneur and UDN political leader Herbert Levy, a representative from the liberal elite from the state of São Paulo, and the concept of populism elaborated by the paulista sociology in the 1960s. My hypothesis is that, although located at opposite sides of the political spectrum and with distinct intentions and motivations, the conceptions about popular classes from these two distinct poles share several aspects, including the ambiguity with which these classes are treated: either as passive and manipulated or recognized as citizens able to claim their rights.

scholarly journals S.N. Eisenstadt and African modernities: Dialogue, extension, retrieval

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-237
Author(s):  
Jack Palmer
Keyword(s):  
African Studies ◽  
Institutional Constraints ◽  
Modernization Theory ◽  
Effective Power ◽  
Multiple Modernities ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Critical Reflections

This article elucidates some connections and divergences between S.N. Eisenstadt’s work on multiple modernities and critical reflections on ‘African modernity’ presented by Africanist scholars. It argues that there is more cross-over between these discussions than is commonly thought when both are seen as parallel responses to the shortcomings of post-war modernization theory. Eisenstadt’s work can inform debates in African Studies concerning the effective power of tradition in postcolonial African societies, and on African interpretations of the ‘cultural programme’ of modernity. The article also discusses some weaknesses in Eisenstadt’s theorizing which arise from an extension of the multiple modernities framework to African societies, namely, an underappreciation of the various modalities of colonial imperialism and racialization, as well as the institutional constraints placed on postcolonial societal elites. It claims that these can be offset via a dialogue with the work of scholars in African Studies. Moreover, it is argued that the paradigm of multiple modernities can more satisfactorily shed light on African trajectories of modernity via the retrieval of tenets of Eisenstadt’s ‘heterodox’ modernization theory and work on post-traditionality, outlined in the 1960s and the 1970s, which include specific reflections on African societies.

scholarly journals Representing the Zeitgeist: A Foucauldian Reading of Jack Kerouac’s The Subterraneans

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 148-154
Author(s):  
Fazel Asadi Amjad ◽  
Kamran Ahmadgoli ◽  
Saman Sadr
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Michel Foucault ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Beat Generation ◽  
Jack Kerouac ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
Alter Ego ◽  
Shed Light

This study is an attempt at reading Jack Kerouac’s “The Subterraneans” in the light of the theory of Michel Foucault. “The Subterraneans”, written in 1958, grapples with the life of Leo, the alter ego of Jack Kerouac himself. The actions and interactions of its main characters, Leo Percepied and Mardou Fox, are observed and analyzed, focusing on the political philosophy of Foucault, specifically his conceptions of power, power relations, institutions, and surveillance to shed light on the ideas of Kerouac, the spokesperson of the Beat Generation. Kerouac’s novel represents the spirit of the age of a people who sought change, difference, and disobedience; the main characters are antiheroes who challenge their prisonlike structure of the society. In contrast, the government has the upper hand by means of its distinct and overlapping institutions that not only neutralize such acts or resistances but make normal and ordinary those individuals who were themselves the promoters and examples of abnormality. Jack Kerouac’s “The Subterraneans” is characterized by unfreedom, obedience, unthinking men, individuals without individuality, and disillusionment.

scholarly journals Novel dan Kritik Politik Luar Negeri (Studi Sastra Realis Historis Al-Zaynī Barakāt Karya Al-Ghitani)

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-384
Author(s):  
Muhammad Isya
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The 1960S

Abstrak Penelitian ini ini membuktikan bahwa salah satu kritik politik Novelis al-Ghitani di dalam novel al-Zayni> Baraka>t ialah kritikan terhadap kinerja Presiden Nasser atas kekalahan Arab pada perang Arab-Israel tahun 1967. Menurutnya, pemerintah ini terlalu disibukkan dengan memperbaiki internal Mesir sehingga kurang memperhatikan eskternal. Dengan kata lain, sepanjang tahun 1960-an, Presiden terlalu disibukkan dengan penanaman pan-Arabisme sehingga kurang dalam persiapan dan perencanaan melawan Israel tahun 1967.---Abstract This research this proves that one of the criticisms of the political Novelist al-Ghitani in novel Zayni al-Baraka is the criticism of the performance of President Nasser over the defeat of the Arabs in the Arab-Israel war of 1967. According to him, the Government is too preoccupied with internal fix Egypt so little regard for external. In other words, throughout the 1960s, the President is too preoccupied with planting of pan-Arabism so lacking in preparation and planning against Israel in 1967.

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