scholarly journals Politik Identitas Islam dan Urgensi Pendidikan Multikultural

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nafik Muthohirin

This article highlights the politics of Islamic identity that appears through persecution and religious-based violent extremism. During the past two decades, the hustle and bustle of public space seem to be filled with various religious symbols, which visibly deep respect for the reality of diversity while reducing the critical role of Pancasila as the ideology of the Indonesian state. If such behaviour is carried out in a corridor that upholds the values of Pancasila, then that attitude is not a problem. However, because the imposition of Islamic identity is accompanied by expressions of hatred and other judgmental attitudes, this needs to be anticipated. In fact, in several cases, this other judgmental attitude often leads to the mobilization of the masses to execute those who are considered different from the majority. Such a social situation can tear the religious plurality that has fostered this nation for a long time. Therefore, this article seeks to examine several things, namely: (1) tracking various acts of intolerance based on the politics of religious identity; (2) agencies that play an essential role in the occurrence of acts of persecution; (3) rethinking the urgency of multicultural education.Keywords. Identity Politics; Islam; Multiculturalism; Execution.

Author(s):  
Sofia Nikolaidou

New forms of urban gardening are gaining a momentum in cities transforming the conventional use and functions of open green and public space. They often take place through informal and temporary (re)use of vacant land consisting part of greening strategies or social inclusion policy through new modes of land use management, green space governance and collaborative practices. Particular emphasis is placed on shifted meanings of the notion of open public space by referring to its openness to a diversity of uses and users that claim it and relates to the questions of access rights, power relations among actors, negotiations and the so called right to use and re-appropriate land. By using examples drawn from the Greek and Swiss case, this chapter underlines differences and similarities in urban gardening practices, social and institutional contexts, collaborative governance patterns, motivations, levels of institutionalisation, openness and inclusiveness of space. More specifically it calls attention to the critical role of the temporary nature of these initiatives in relation to their multifunctional, spatial and socio-political aspects that affect new configurations of urban green areas and public space as well as related planning practices.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2(36)) ◽  
pp. 14-22
Author(s):  
SAMOSIR OSBIN

The 2019 and 2014 General Elections in Indonesia was laden with religious identity politics. The election of the DKI Jakarta Governor in 2017 confirmed the politics of religious identity. People were fed up of continuing the democratic process because black and dirty campaigns ruined elections. The Indonesia’s democratic posture is getting worse. Presidential candidates were also divided into the Allah party for supporters of Islamic religious identity and the Ibilis party branded for those who opposed. The principles of democracy, namely respect for human dignity, exclusion of primordial issues, open and fair elections, freedom for voters are actually lost and damage Indonesian democracy. For a long time, the issue of religious identity politics was the most dangerous for democracy and a healthy political process in Indonesia. How was the fate of Christian politicians in such bad religious identity politics at that time when they were nominated by political parties from strong Islam-based regions? The personal attitude of Christian candidates who can be trusted between their words and deeds, speaking less but doing more is able to transcend fears in the politics of religious identity. This research looks at the 2019 and 2014 General Elections to be a reflection towards the 2024 Simultaneous General Elections through in-depth interviews and literature reviews.


Author(s):  
Karl Samuelsson ◽  
Stephan Barthel ◽  
Johan Colding ◽  
Gloria Macassa ◽  
Matteo Giusti

The 2020 coronavirus pandemic caused countries across the world to implement measures of social distancing to curb spreading of COVID-19. The large and sudden disruptions to everyday life that result from this are likely to impact well-being, particularly among urban populations that live in dense settings with limited public space. In this paper, we argue that during these extraordinary circumstances, urban nature offers resilience for maintaining well-being in urban populations, while enabling social distancing. We discuss more generally the critical role of urban nature in times of crisis. Cities around the world need to take the step into the 21st century by accepting crises as a new reality and finding ways to function during these disturbances. Thus, maintaining or increasing space for nature in cities and keeping it accessible to the public should be part of the sustainability agenda, aiming simultaneously to strive towards SDG 3 (good health and well-being), and SDG 11 (sustainable and resilient cities).


Author(s):  
Begüm Burak ◽  

Political polarization in Turkey has not only been visible during electoral processes but it has also been evident in non-electoral processes in online and offline protests. Gezi Park protests in 2013 denote to such processes. This study analyzes the use of Twitter during Gezi Park protests that had sparked mass protests and a big polarization. The role of Twitter had been influential in mobilizing the masses in the protests. During Gezi protests as seen in the Arab Spring, Twitter was used by the protesters in a dense way in the polarized political environment. Using the “mediated populism” as the theoretical framework, this study argues that social media has paved the way for the emergence of a citizen-centered public space in times of crisis and polarization during Gezi protests. The data that will be under analysis consist of the tweets posted on Twitter during the peak of Gezi protests. The date between May 25 and June 16, 2013 is taken as the time span that refers to the peak time of protests. By detecting top-mentioned tweets, this study aims to analyze how political activism had been expressed by the protesters. To achieve this aim, the randomly selected tweets posted in this time span were examined by conducting content analysis methodology.


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Sumanto Al Qurtuby

From 1999 to 2004, communal violence between Christians and Muslims broke out in the Moluccas of northeastern Indonesia, resulting in tens of thousands of deaths and injuries, and displacing hundreds of thousands of others. Unlike previous studies and analyses that give much attention to the political economy of the conflict, the dynamics of national politics, and the role of security forces – particularly the army and the police – and non-Moluccas Muslim jihadists and combatants in initiating and orchestrating the violence, this article mainly focuses on the contributions of religion, especially Islam, the dynamics of the Moluccas' local history and politics, and the role of Ambonese or Moluccan Muslim social actors and jihadists during the carnage. Focusing mainly on Maluku province, this article discusses how the local militant religious leaders framed the violence, recruited, and mobilized the masses in the combat zone, and how the local ordinary Muslim fighters portrayed – and became involved in – the wars, used religious narratives, discourses, symbols, and teachings to give theological legitimacy to the battle, and transformed their everyday experiences through the fighting. Lastly, it examines factors that contributed to the militancy and radicalism of those involved in the violence and investigates a process of radicalization of various Muslim groupings in the Moluccas that could provide a rationale for the eruption of the interreligious violence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (19) ◽  
pp. 5473
Author(s):  
Montemayor

México has subsidized and built millions of low-income homes and thousands of subdivisions in the period of 2000–2012. These occupied and expanded urban peripheries far away from work, learn, service, commerce, and recreational amenity centers. These communities had no chance to offer a high quality of life. They were rapidly abandoned and deteriorated physically and socially. Amid the still ongoing crime and violence, inhabitants experienced a loss of trust in their neighbors, a deep sense of insecurity, and consequently reduced public life and activity to a minimum. This article describes and reflects on a project implemented in two neighborhoods of two northern México cities, with the objective of mitigating crime and violence, while recovering public spaces in these communities. The project implemented a hybridized methodology, including Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design (CPTED), attention to Youth at Risk, and the prevention of Gender Based Violence. All these were integrated transversally with a community participation approach incorporated throughout the project actions. This article reflects on the successes and failures of this pilot project, as demonstrated by differentiated results between a neighborhood located in Chihuahua City and another in the municipality of Guadalupe, within Monterrey’s Metro Area. The lessons learned, include the relevance of local political timing and interests, the importance of accurate and manageable geographic definitions for the areas of implementation, the role of NGOs, the importance of local educational institutions—in particular schools of architecture and the need for community oriented strategic consultants, to appropriately advise local governments in the implementation of projects of this nature. The article demonstrates the effort to make it accessible, and to anticipate the issues and opportunities as many Mexican, and other Latin American countries and cities engage in the spatial and social recovery of public spaces, neighborhoods, communities, and cities after years of high crime and violence.


Author(s):  
Neneng Sobibatu Rohmah

This research attempts to examine the identity politics conflicts that occur between Sunni-Shia in Sampang. This conflict was based on religious identity that is used as a force in exerting pressure on different groups. On the other hand, national integration is needed as a form of acknowledging and accommodating differences through policies issued. Integration must be a two-way adaptation process involving changes in values, norms and behaviors. This study aims is also to determine whether the Sunni-Shia conflict in Sampang which is motivated by identity politics has now reached the direction of national integration or not. David Miller's theory of identity politics and Chantal Lacroix's national integration was used in this study. The methodology used is qualitative specifically with a case study approach. The findings showed that the Sunni-Shia conflict in Sampang has been seen towards integration of Tajul Muluk attitude and his followers’ decision to leave their faith and return to the doctrines of the majority community, Sunni. This makes the absence of a two-way adaptation process appears by abandoning their beliefs and following the wishes of the majority. The role of the state in fighting for freedom of religion and belief in Indonesia was very weak even though the constitution in Indonesia guarantees freedom of religion is strong enough. Therefore, the application of their efforts should have some supervisions.  


Author(s):  
Najma Al Zidjaly

This chapter explores, from a sociolinguistic perspective, the role that the Internet plays in the online discursive construction of the Islamic religious identity of an enlightener. It does so by examining chatroom conversations between a man with a disability from the Islamic Arabian country, Oman and individuals of diverse religious backgrounds and nationalities with whom he frequently chats. The chapter illustrates how an enlightener identity is constructed through juxtaposing two contrastive religious identities: a liberal identity (when interacting with other Muslims) and a far more traditional one (when interacting with non-Muslims). The findings of the study suggest that the Internet is helping transform many Islamic discourses from being “authoritative,” i.e., unquestioned, to being “internally persuasive,” i.e., open for debate (Bakhtin, 1981). The analysis also reveals how the Internet is offering new possibilities regarding the constitution of an Islamic identity while additionally posing increasingly poignant questions about the role of Islamic religious leaders in this digital age.


Author(s):  
José Ramón Intxaurbe

<p>Managing diversity according to democratic values is especially relevant in addressing religious plurality. The challenge of finding factors that bring together communities with different worldviews under a same social project presents a number of features, in the case of the Muslim community, that seem to underscore the potential for conflict that their integration into European societies has. A good way to test whether there is such inconsistency may be to compare the dynamics and needs of the Muslim population - in this case, in the Basque Countrywith the principles underlying the role of religion in contemporary democratic regimes. This is the aim of this paper, where the theoretical approaches to the role played by religious beliefs in modern societies enter into dialogue with the daily life of a religious minority that claims its place in the public space.</p><p><strong>Published online</strong>: 11 December 2017</p>


Sens public ◽  
2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gérard Wormser ◽  
Bernard Lahire ◽  
Christine Castelain-Meunier ◽  
Amudha Lingeswaran

Can the young man of today visualize the impossible dialogue of Kafka with his father? The evolution of the society has questioned the father's long time role of supervision and authority. However, does that not open up a restructuring of his figure? The depth of the father's influence is far-reaching. The English paediatrician and psychoanalyst Donald W. Winnicott said, “He can become a maternal substitute for infants, providing child care from the ages of birth to two years as is maternity care”. Paternal love and everyday father/child relationship has a critical role in the development of early childhood. However, is this structuring enough? Does this not open up an era lacking references? Today, what is the father's place at a time of contemporary changes in family life?


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