scholarly journals Economic And Trade Relations With Japan: Trade Tensions, Disputes, And Related Issues

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ki Hee Kim
Keyword(s):  
Japanese Government ◽  
The Other ◽  
Trade Disputes ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
Trade Dispute ◽  
Trade Friction ◽  
The One ◽  
Trade Conflicts ◽  
The U.S

There have been serious trade disputes between the U.S. and Japan since the mid-1970s. The source of trade dispute is that the U.S. has had large trade deficits which have been caused mostly by large American imports from Japan, especially in the early 1980s when the dollar was appreciating. Since the 1980s, many disputes have arisen due at least in part, to U.S. allegations that Japanese markets are closed to imports because of restrictive practices such as exclusive dealings between domestic manufacturers and distributors. It is further alleged that the practices are tolerated and even encouraged by the Japanese government. It has long been said that the U.S. and Japan should manage their trade friction wisely, so not to embitter the overall relationship between the two countries. This is based upon recognition of the importance of the Japan-U.S. relationships on the one hand, and of the possibility of serious trade friction on the other. This precept is effective because there always remain countries that may not be able to handle it to mutual satisfaction. This paper will analyze trade disputes, tensions, and related issues between the two economic powers to reduce trade conflicts and to improve overall trade relations. Another purpose is to suggest common grounds to minimize trade conflicts between two countries.

scholarly journals Epistemic Disobedience and Decolonial Healing in Norma Elía Cantú’s Canícula

2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 63-80
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Poks
Keyword(s):  
Social Space ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Other ◽  
Border Crossings ◽  
Growing Up ◽  
Border Community ◽  
Line Splitting ◽  
Southern Side ◽  
The One ◽  
The U.S

Abstract Using the U.S.-Mexican border as the place of enunciation, Cantú’s autoethnobiographical novel insists on the materiality of the border, especially for those living on its southern side, while simultaneously deconstructing it as artificial - a line splitting families and assigning nationalities on an arbitrary basis. Being a collage of photographs from the time the writer was growing up in southern Texas and the cuentos inspired by these visuals, Cantú’s Canícula documents how border crossings and re-crossings become symptomatic of living in a liminal space and how they destabilize the concept of nationality as bi-national families must learn to live with ambiguity. On the one hand, there is the undeniable materiality of the border, with its pain, fear, deportations, and other discriminatory practices; on the other, there is a growing border community of resistance cultivating the memory that they are not immigrants, that they lived in Texas before the Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty. The paper examines the community’s strategies of survival in the contested cultural and social space and advances the thesis that, giving her community an awareness of its homogeneity and reclaiming its place within the larger socio-political context, Cantú becomes an agent of empowerment and change. She helps decolonize knowledge and being.

The “Hollow Prospect” of Integration

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward G. Goetz
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Community Development ◽  
Black Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
African American Community ◽  
Fair Housing ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The One ◽  
The U.S

This chapter describes the tension between integration and community development from the 1940s through the end of the 1960s. It describes the conflict within the African-American community between efforts to achieve integration on the one hand and building power and capacity within the community on the other. It describes the emergence and evolution of the fair housing movement in the U.S. Finally, the ways in which this conflict played out during the civil rights and Black Power eras is highlighted.

Specter of vietnam

Lovecidal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trinh T. Minh-ha
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Iraq War ◽  
Bush Administration ◽  
The Other ◽  
Double Bind ◽  
Exit Strategy ◽  
Obama Administration ◽  
The One ◽  
The U.S

This chapter discusses the problem of an exit strategy during the final days of the George W. Bush administration and how these issues echo the U.S. policy on Vietnam of many years before. It goes further, however, to analyze how the Obama administration approached future conflict in its initial years. On the one hand, the Bush administration's official storyline had revived the familiar paranoia of having victory turned over to the enemies. On the other, the exit strategy for withdrawal also raised widespread doubt about what was achievable in Iraq and Afghanistan and what the comprehensive results of the Iraq War turned out to be. The classic double bind thus wrote itself into every discussion of the “post-Iraq” era of U.S. foreign policy.

Postbellum America

2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
William B. Meyer
Keyword(s):  
Internal Migration ◽  
The Other ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Climatic Zones ◽  
The North ◽  
Human Trait ◽  
The One ◽  
North And South ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Over Time

One of the earliest historians of the Civil War saw it as a fundamental clash between the peoples of different latitudes. Climate had made the antebellum North and South distinct societies and natural enemies, John W. Draper argued, the one democratic and individualist, the other aristocratic and oligarchical. If such were the case, the future of the reunited states was hardly a bright one. But Draper saw no natural barriers to national unity that wise policy could not surmount. The restlessness and transience of American life that many deplored instead merited, in his view, every assistance possible. In particular, he wrote, Americans needed to be encouraged to move as freely across climatic zones as they already did within them. The tendency of North and South to congeal into hostile types of civilization could be frustrated, but only by an incessant mingling of people. Sectional discord was inevitable only if the natural law that "emigrants move on parallels of latitude" were left free to take its course. These patterns of emigration were left free, for the most part, but without the renewed strife that Draper feared. After the war as before it, few settlers relocating to new homes moved far to the north or south of their points of origin. As late as 1895, Henry Gannett, chief geographer to the U.S. Census, could still describe internal migration as "mainly conducted westward along parallels of latitude." More often as time went on, it was supposed that race and not merely habit underlay the pattern, that climatic preferences were innate, different stocks of people staying in the latitudes of their forbears by the compulsion of biology. Thus, it was supposed, Anglo-Saxons preferred cooler lands than Americans of Mediterranean ancestry, while those of African descent preferred warmer climates than either. Over time, though, latitude loosened its grip and exceptions to the rule multiplied. As the share of the population in farming declined, so did the strongest reason for migrants to stay within familiar climates. Even by the time Gannett wrote, the tendency that he described, though still apparent, was weaker than it had been at mid-century. It weakened because a preference for familiar climates was not a fixed human trait but one shaped by experience and wants, and capable of changing as these variables changed.

Israel and the European Union

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Pardo
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Trade Relations ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
Integration Project ◽  
The Eu

Israeli-European Union (EU) relations have consisted of a number of conflicting trends that have resulted in the emergence of a highly problematic and volatile relationship: one characterized by a strong and ever-increasing network of economic, cultural, and personal ties, yet marked, at the political level, by disappointment, bitterness, and anger. On the one hand, Israel has displayed a genuine desire to strengthen its ties with the EU and to be included as part of the European integration project. On the other hand, Israelis are deeply suspicious of the Union’s policies and are untrusting of the Union’s intentions toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to the Middle East as a whole. As a result, Israel has been determined to minimize the EU’s role in the Middle East peace process (MEPP), and to deny it any direct involvement in the negotiations with the Palestinians. The article summarizes some key developments in Israeli-European Community (EC)/EU relations since 1957: the Israeli (re)turn to Europe in the late 1950s; EC-Israeli economic and trade relations; the 1980 Venice Declaration and the EC/EU involvement in the MEPP; EU-Israeli relations in a regional/Mediterranean context; the question of Israeli settlements’ products entering free of duty to the European Common Market; EU-Israeli relations in the age of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); the failed attempt to upgrade EU-Israeli relations between the years 2007 and 2014; and the Union’s prohibition on EU funding to Israeli entities beyond the 1967 borders. By discussing the history of this uneasy relationship, the article further offers insights into how the EU is actually judged as a global-normative actor by Israelis.

Growth Accounting of the Value Composition of Capital and the Rate of Profit in the U.S. Economy: A Note Stimulated by Zarembka’s Findings

2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lefteris Tsoulfidis
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Growth Accounting ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Rate Of Profit ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Composition Of Capital

The purpose of this article is twofold. On the one hand, to present a growth account of the evolution of the value composition of capital and in so doing to deal with some of the issues raised by Zarembka’s (2015) contribution. And on the other hand, to review some crucial relations between the variables that relate to the movement of the rate of profit and the current predicament.

America and Political Islam: Clash of Cultures or Clash of Interests. By Fawaz A. Gerges. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999. 282p. $59.95 cloth, $18.95 paper.

2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 255-256
Author(s):  
K. A. Beyoghlow
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Cultural Differences ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
The Other ◽  
American People ◽  
Cambridge University ◽  
Negative Images ◽  
Clash Of Cultures ◽  
The One ◽  
The U.S

The central theme of this book is that U.S. strategy in the Middle East is fundamentally flawed but not irreparable. This may be the result of the inherent mismatch between strategy and policy and, more significantly, between America's prin- ciples and interests. In particular, the author argues that the U.S. approach toward Islam is "beset with ambiguities and tensions" (p. 3). Furthermore, he stresses that there is a somewhat dangerous growing gap between the American people and their representatives in Congress, on the one hand, and presidential administrations, on the other, when it comes to dealing with "islamists" (those who espouse greater religious activism in politics). The former lean toward a confrontational attitude that is fed by cultural differences, stereotyping, and negative images of Muslims, whereas the latter strive to accommodate or tolerate a majority of mod- erate or pro-West Islamic forces and states.

SRS Observations: Future US Naval Observatory Meridian Programs

1978 ◽  
Vol 48 ◽  
pp. 497-501
Author(s):  
J. A. Hughes
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Naval Observatory ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
The U.S

The purpose of these brief remarks is twofold; on the one hand it is to inform you of the activities and plans at the U.S. Naval Observatory (USNO), and on the other hand to make a few comments regarding our mutual astrometric interests.

Presidential Influence in the House: Presidential Prestige as a Source of Presidential Power

1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
George C. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
Presidential Power ◽  
Presidential Popularity ◽  
The One ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Presidential Influence

Presidential prestige or popularity has often been cited as an important source of presidential influence in Congress. It has not been empirically and systematically demonstrated, however, that such a relationship exists. This study examines a variety of relationships between presidential prestige and presidential support in the U.S. House of Representatives. The relationships between overall national presidential popularity on the one hand and overall, domestic, and foreign policy presidential support in the House as a whole and among various groups of congressmen on the other are generally weak. Consistently strong relationships are found between presidential prestige among Democratic party identifiers and presidential support among Democratic congressmen. Similar relationships are found between presidential prestige among the more partisan Republican party identifiers and the presidential support by Republican congressmen. Explanations for these findings are presented, and the findings are related to broader questions of American politics.

Some Things That Have Happened toThe Sun After September 1965: Politics and the Interpretation of an Indonesian Painting

1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 603-634 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth M. George
Keyword(s):  
Central Intelligence Agency ◽  
The Other ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Intelligence Agency ◽  
The One ◽  
Radio Broadcast ◽  
Strategic Reserve ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Major General

As most tell the story, the mysterious and fearful twilight of Sukarno's Indonesia began in Jakarta sometime after sundown on the last day of September 1965. That night and in the early hours of October 1, a group led by leftist, middle-ranking military officers calling themselves the September Thirtieth Movement kidnapped and killed six generals in an attempted putsch. In its radio broadcasts the following morning, the movement announced its loyalty to President Sukarno and claimed that it had acted in order to thwart a coup planned by a ‘Council of Generals.’ In the year leading up to the putsch, the president's hold on power had been strained by the increasing polarization between the army and disaffected Muslims on the one hand, and Sukarno and the PKI—the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Kommunis Indonesia)— on the other. Sukarno's ill health, factionalism within military ranks, and the shadow of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) only added to the anxiety and uncertainty. It is unclear whether this Council of Generals had anything more than a phantom existence. What is clear is that the head of the strategic reserve command in Jakarta, Major General Soeharto, was quick to manipulate the situation and bring the movement to a halt within hours. In an evening radio broadcast on October 1, Soeharto described the putsch as a counter-revolutionary movement and told listeners that the army and police under his leadership had regained control.

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